newsletter banglanews451en

In his address to the Roman Curia Benedict XVI spoke of "great tribulations", and of "responsibility" for abuses committed by priests as well as for the Middle East where "Christians are the most oppressed and tormented minority". Relativism, by denying the existence of invisible reality and objective truth, has eradicated all reference to evil and eliminated the shared values upon which society is built.

In the drama of abuse committed by priests, in the temptation which has been evident in recent years to theorise a "justification" for paedophilia and, more generally, in treating man as a commodity, there lies an "exhortation to truth and a call to renewal". And this exhortation is also valid against the use of violence in the Middle East, where "Christians are the most oppressed and tormented minority". Benedict XVI expressed these ideas today in his meeting with the Roman Curia for the exchange of Christmas greetings, an occasion on which the Pope traditionally takes stock of Church life over the course of the year that is drawing to a close.

Whether speaking about priestly abuse or the Middle East, in his assessment of the year of 2010 the Pope sees in these things the fruits of "the eclipse of reason", the incapacity to see the essential of a culture of relativism in which "real" is only what is palpable and which, in this way, sees conscience as the private domain of each individual rather than as the search for objective truth. This road leads to the claim that good and bad do not exist in themselves, to the elimination of shared values and, as a consequence, also of morality in society. Giving mnakind the true meaning of "conscience" as the "capacity for seeing the essential, for seeing God and man" is the "responsibility" of the Church, which must "make these criteria audible and intelligible once more for people today as paths of true humanity". The "very future of the world is at stake".

Benedict XVI's long address, which began with "the sense that moral consensus is collapsing, consensus without which juridical and political structures cannot function", focused first on the "great tribulations" provoked by sexual abuse - "to a degree we could not have imagined" -committed by priests "who twist the sacrament into its antithesis, and under the mantle of the sacred profoundly wound people in their infancy, inflicting damage that lasts a whole lifetime".

In this context, the Pope mentioned the vision of St. Hildegard of Bingen who in 1170 described the Church as a beautiful woman, but with torn vestments and sullied features "because of the sins of priests. They tear my robe, since they are violators of the Law, the Gospel and their own priesthood", the saint wrote.

"The way she saw and expressed it is the way we have experienced it this year. We must accept this humiliation as an exhortation to truth and a call to renewal. Only the truth saves. We must ask ourselves what we can do to repair as much as possible the injustice that has occurred. We must ask ourselves what was wrong in our proclamation, in our whole way of living the Christian life, to allow such a thing to happen. We must discover a new resoluteness in faith and in doing good. We must be capable of doing penance. We must be determined to make every possible effort in priestly formation to prevent anything of the kind from happening again".

But his remarks on the abuse scandal were also an occasion "to offer heartfelt thanks to all those who work to help victims and to restore their trust in the Church, their capacity to believe her message. In my meetings with victims of this sin", the Pope said, "I have also always found people who, with great dedication, stand alongside those who suffer and have been damaged. This is also the occasion to thank the many good priests who act as channels of the Lord's goodness in humility and fidelity and, amid the devastations, bear witness to the beauty of the priesthood, a beauty that has not been lost".

"We are well aware of the particular gravity of this sin committed by priests and of our consequent responsibility", the Pope highlighted. "But we cannot remain silent regarding the context of these times in which these events have come to light. There is a market in child pornography that seems in some way to be considered more and more normal by society. The psychological destruction of children, in which human persons are reduced to market commodities, is a terrifying sign of the times. From bishops of developing countries I hear again and again how sexual tourism threatens an entire generation and damages its freedom and its human dignity". In the same context, Benedict XVI also sees the problem of drugs, a problem which "with increasing force extends its tentacles around the entire world; an eloquent expression of the tyranny of mammon which perverts mankind. No pleasure is ever enough, and the excess of illusory intoxication turns into violence that tears whole regions apart - and all this in the name of a fatal misunderstanding of freedom which actually undermines man's freedom and ultimately destroys it".

"In order to resist these forces, we must turn our attention to their ideological foundations. In the 1970s, paedophilia was theorised as something fully in conformity with man and even with children. This, however, was part of a fundamental perversion of the concept of ethos. It was maintained - even within the realm of Catholic theology - that there is no such thing as evil in itself or good in itself. There is only a 'better than' and a 'worse than'. Nothing is good or bad in itself. Everything depends on the circumstances and on the end in view. Anything can be good or also bad, depending upon purposes and circumstances. Morality is replaced by a calculus of consequences, and in the process it ceases to exist. The effects of such theories are evident today. Against them, Pope John Paul II, in his 1993 Encyclical Letter Veritatis Splendor, indicated with prophetic force the great rational tradition of Christian ethos as the essential and permanent foundation for moral action".

Benedict XVI also referred to these foundations in recalling his apostolic trip to Great Britain, where he beatified Cardinal John Henry Newman. The Pope emphasised that great thinker's "first conversion: to faith in the living God. Until that moment, Newman thought like the average men of his time and indeed like the average men of today, who do not simply exclude the existence of God, but consider it as something uncertain, something with no essential role to play in their lives. What appeared genuinely real to him, as to the men of his and our day, is the empirical, the materially tangible. This is the 'reality' according to which we find our way. The 'real' is what can be grasped, what can be calculated and taken in one's hand. In his conversion, Newman recognised that it is exactly the other way round: that God and the soul, man's spiritual identity, constitute what is genuinely real, what counts. These are much more real than objects that can be grasped. This conversion was a Copernican revolution. What had previously seemed unreal and secondary was now revealed to be the genuinely decisive element. Where such a conversion takes place, it is not just a person's theory that changes: the fundamental shape of life changes. We are all in constant need of such conversion: then we are on the right path".

"The driving force that impelled Newman along the path of conversion was conscience. But what does this mean?" the Pope asked. "In modern thinking, the word 'conscience' signifies that for moral and religious questions, it is the subjective dimension, the individual, that constitutes the final authority for decision. The world is divided into the realms of the objective and the subjective. To the objective realm belong things that can be calculated and verified by experiment. Religion and morals fall outside the scope of these methods and are therefore considered to lie within the subjective realm. Here, it is said, there are in the final analysis no objective criteria. The ultimate instance that can decide here is therefore the subject alone, and precisely this is what the word 'conscience' expresses: in this realm only the individual, with his intuitions and experiences, can decide. Newman's understanding of conscience is diametrically opposed to this. For him, 'conscience' means man's capacity for truth: the capacity to recognise precisely in the decision-making areas of his life - religion and morals - a truth, the truth. At the same time, conscience - man's capacity to recognise truth - thereby imposes on him the obligation to set out along the path towards truth, to seek it and to submit to it wherever he finds it. Conscience is both capacity for truth and obedience to the truth which manifests itself to anyone who seeks it with an open heart. The path of Newman's conversions is a path of conscience - not a path of self-asserting subjectivity but, on the contrary, a path of obedience to the truth that was gradually opening up to him".

Continuing his analysis of the last twelve months, the Pope then turned to highlight the importance of the Middle East Synod, which began with his apostolic trip to Cyprus where "the hospitality of the Orthodox Church was unforgettable, and we experienced it with great gratitude. Even if full communion is not yet granted to us", he said, "we have nevertheless established with joy that the basic form of the ancient Church unites us profoundly with one another: the sacramental office of bishops as the bearer of apostolic tradition, the reading of Scripture according to the hermeneutic of the Regula fidei, the understanding of Scripture in its manifold unity centred on Christ, developed under divine inspiration, and finally, our faith in the central place of the Eucharist in the Church life".

However, Benedict XVI also recalled how in Cyprus "we saw the problem of a divided country. The wrongs and the deep wounds of the past were all too evident, but so too was the desire for the peace and communion that had existed before. Everyone knows that violence does not bring progress; indeed violence is what gave rise to the present situation. Only in a spirit of compromise and mutual understanding can unity be re-established. Preparing the people for this attitude of peace is an essential task of pastoral ministry. During the Synod itself, our gaze was extended over the whole of the Middle East, where the followers of different religions - as well as a variety of traditions and distinct rites - live together", he said.

"In the turmoil of recent years, the tradition of peaceful coexistence has been shattered and tensions and divisions have grown, with the result that we witness with increasing alarm acts of violence in which there is no longer any respect for what the other holds sacred, in which on the contrary the most elementary rules of humanity collapse. In the present situation, Christians are the most oppressed and tormented minority. For centuries they lived peacefully together with their Jewish and Muslim neighbours. During the Synod we listened to wise words from the Counsellor of the Mufti of the Republic of Lebanon against acts of violence targeting Christians. He said: when Christians are wounded, we ourselves are wounded. Unfortunately, though, this and similar voices of reason, for which we are profoundly grateful, are too weak. Here too we come up against an unholy alliance between greed for profit and ideological blindness. On the basis of the spirit of faith and its rationality, the Synod developed a grand concept of dialogue, forgiveness and mutual acceptance, a concept that we now want to proclaim to the world. The human being is one, and humanity is one. Whatever damage is done to another in any one place, ends up by damaging everyone. Thus the words and ideas of the Synod must be a clarion call, addressed to all people with political or religious responsibility, to put a stop to Christianophobia; to rise up in defence of refugees and all who are suffering, and to revitalise the spirit of reconciliation. In the final analysis, healing can only come from deep faith in God's reconciling love. Strengthening this faith, nourishing it and causing it to shine forth is the Church's principal task at this hour".

Climate actions groups should not be afraid of its own conclusions. If it allows its goals to be shaped by what is feasible in an industrial and consumer economy then it has perhaps failed. However, if it refuses to compromise on the measures needed to fix the climate then it will ultimately have to confront, and remake, the whole system.

DENIAL is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results. We have taken more than two centuries to generate enough waste and pollution to press dangerously against nature's limits. With such a damning record, there should be no ground to expect a different outcome in the future. Yet the mainstream discussion in the industrialised world is that climate may not be changing, scientists might have raised bogus alarm, and green technology transfer together with allocation of some funds to the poorer countries that are experiencing repeated climatic events is all about how to tackle the climate crisis, and industrialisation can be made, and should be sustainable.

The plea for green technology adoption by the climate change believers was taken up by the industrial world, however, with interest, as a profitable solution to climate change. Many think, it can be done because it is growth friendly. It promises to save the planet, maintain economic growth and make lots of people lots of money. It offers the hope that there is an easy way out of the crisis that the world can lessen climate change without resorting to fundamental social change. But it ignores the fact that the need of some people or countries for endless growth and ever-higher consumption is the root cause and main driver of the earth's environmental distress.

Given the dire climate threat we face, which requires immediate action to cut emissions, the illusion of forest conservation and green business maybe a dangerous diversion. Top world leaders are not convinced of the necessity for strong action to cut emissions, and they aren't viewing this as an investment - a cost incurred now and in the coming few decades to avoid the risks of severe consequences in the future. The corporatists and many scientists as well, see the continuation of growth path feasible. So, they're not considering any big emissions cuts. They clearly deny the fact that what is feasible for maintaining economic growth today is unfeasible for the future of human civilisation.

The group of leading climate scientists who authored the Copenhagen Diagnosis, a 2009 report, said industrial nations must cut emissions by 30-40 per cent (varies for countries) below the 1990 level in ten years. The gap between the economics and the science here is enormous and cannot be bridged, as we now know, after the Cancun Summit. Either we choose a healthy economy or we choose a healthy planet. As we can't have both, we chose the first.

Continuing emission of green house gas means waiting until something bad happens and accepting that the climate will continue to change in the meantime. We are running out of time to stop climate change, and the delay in action will only cause death, destruction and social chaos. There is too much carbon in the atmosphere already. To succeed, we need a broad social movement - strong enough to take on the powerful vested interests that stand in the way of change. Such a movement has the potential to democratise society, overturning the dictatorship of wealth.

The point is that climate actions groups should not be afraid of its own conclusions. If it allows its goals to be shaped by what is feasible in an industrial and consumer economy then it has perhaps failed. However, if it refuses to compromise on the measures needed to fix the climate then it will ultimately have to confront, and remake, the whole system. The climate crisis together with the today's global politics has prompted many to shift their political views. To civil society organisations, Cancun must be a wake-up call for serious reflection. How have we been complicit in an outcome that has ultimately not respected the science of global warming? Worse still, some have applauded an outcome that lets industrialised countries off the hook from legally binding and mandatory targets to reduce green house gases, something they agreed to when they signed the Kyoto Protocol.

In Cancun, basically, the Kyoto Protocol was killed; it made emissions reductions voluntary for all governments. It fills me with a sense of disappointment.

There were the Christmas carols we sang in school. The Dutch missionaries who ran the school would speak to us of the love of Jesus, of the generous God who lived up there somewhere in an exalted place called heaven. Not yet ten, we sang the psalms towards the end of the school day, which meant the final forty minutes, or period. Mr. Cardeaux, who we later learnt had been with the British air force in the Second World War and who was from Malta, played the piano beautifully as we sang. There was the innocence that comes with being caught in the ambience of childhood. We would sing on, would not stop, until Mr. Cardeaux gently told us, in almost grandfather-like manner, "It's all right, boys. Time to stop." We who had been singing with our eyes closed now opened them, feeling sheepish at knowing that the piano had stopped making melody quite a while back.

It was those cold, crisp days in long-ago Novembers I waded back into last year as I watched the Christmas lights on London's Regent Street. The association of cold winters, thoughts of Jesus Christ and religiosity assumes a potent shape as darkness descends fast and purposefully in a western clime. But then, Christmas has for me always been a lyrical affair which has brought together gusts of bitter cold winds along with the knowledge that somewhere up there lives a Creator who speaks to us of Christ, indeed of the spirituality which has underpinned religion, every religion, and so given it its essence. Perhaps no remembrance of Christmas, for me, can be greater than that which came as the astronauts of Apollo 8 rounded the dark side of the moon in December 1968. I was in high school, caught up in the frenzy of a year unlike any other year. After Tet in Vietnam, after the King and Kennedy assassinations, after the near revolution in France, it was thrilling to watch Richard Nixon become president of the United States. And it was ecstasy to hear Frank Borman, the commander of Apollo 8, intone that pristine, soulful message from Genesis on Christmas Eve:

"In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth / And the earth was without form and void / And darkness was on the face of the deep /And God said, 'Let there be light' . . ."

Creation was suddenly a magical moment in time and space. I looked out into the cold, dark, moonlit sky. Up there somewhere the astronauts were circling the moon and below, on earth, as if to add substance to the loneliness we inhabited in the universe, the voice of Mukesh wafted along. He sang chal akela chal akela chal akela tera mela peechhe chhoota rahi chal akela. It snowed that night. The winds tore into the cheeks and went all the way into the bloodstream. And yet there was a warmth in knowing that there was a purpose to life, a lustre to man's ambition of probing everything that lay beyond earth.

Christmas came by a reassertion of meaning, indeed took on new purpose, in Bangladesh nine days into the nation's freedom in 1971. After months of war, a conflict that had claimed the lives of millions, the sight of the country's Christians celebrating Jesus and his life in a free land was a profoundly stirring image of a nation that had rediscovered its secular ethos. Only a year earlier, as workers staged noisy protests in Gdansk, Poland faced the prospect of a morose Christmas. It was the arrival of Edward Gierek that had saved the situation. Wladyslaw Gomulka had fled.

Christmas has been a joy, in boyhood and then in youth. On Dilu Road here in this city, it was always an occasion for reunion at the Mascarenhas', until the entire clan went off in search of newer, kinder climes in America. Celebrations of Christmas in childhood came through a boring into picturesque - and pictorial - little books called Classics Illustrated Junior. And then, of course, there was the imagination at play - of hundreds of Christmas trees lighting up the cold, desolate streets of the world, of Santa Claus stealthily and gingerly stepping into the room through a window kept ajar for him and leaving an array of gifts behind. It was jingle bells, jingle bells all the way.

When Christmas rounds the corner, it is the old fairy tales I go back to. Little Red Riding Hood, Rapunzel, Rumpelstiltskin, Snow White and her seven dwarfs ... they return. Between the folds of time, there is the snow that shrouds the world in layers of purity. And then there is the blood that Jesus Christ shed in defence of God's truth.

Through the bare branches of nocturnal trees, through the deserted streets of time, it is a city on the hill I go looking for on Christmas Eve.

During the Angelus, Benedict XVI expresses his sorrow at killings in the Philippines, Nigeria, Pakistan. Appeals to all for prayer and reconciliation. A reminder to families victims of war, refugees like the Holy Family in front of the murderous rage of Herod. The Holy Family is a model for all families, who make their children feel "the tenderness and beauty of being loved."

Even at Christmas, "the earth was again stained with blood", especially in the Philippines, Nigeria and Pakistan said the pope today at the end of the Angelus with pilgrims gathered in the square St. Peter's.

"In this Christmas season - said the pontiff - the desire and the invocation of the gift of peace becomes even more intense. But our world continues to be marked by violence, especially against the disciples of Christ. I learned with great sadness of the attack in a Catholic church in the Philippines, while the Christmas Day rites were being celebrated, as well as the attack on Christian churches in Nigeria ". Yesterday morning during Christmas Mass for the police in Jolo (Mindanao), a bomb exploded near the altar wounding the priest and five other people. In Jos (Nigeria), long plagued by social and religious tensions, seven bombs exploded in the center of the city, leaving 32 dead and 74 wounded. A bomb that was set to explode during midnight mass was defused by police.

"The earth - continued Benedict XVI - was again stained with blood in other parts of the world, such as in Pakistan. I wish to express my heartfelt condolences to the victims of this senseless violence, and I repeat once again the call to abandon the path of hatred to find peaceful solutions to conflicts and gift security and serenity to these dear people. "

Then referring to today's feast recalling the Holy Family, "who lived through the dramatic experience of having to flee to Egypt from the murderous rampage of Herod, let us remember - he added - all those people - especially families - who are forced to flee their homes because of war, violence and intolerance. I invite you therefore to join me in prayer asking the Lord to forcefully move the hearts of men and bring hope, reconciliation and peace. "

In fact the Pope dedicated the first part of his Angelus reflection to the Holy Family. Benedict XVI explained, "the baby Jesus is the center of his parents' affection and solicitude. In the poor grotto in Bethlehem - write the Fathers of the Church - a bright light shines, reflecting the deep mystery that surrounds this Child, which Mary and Joseph keep in their hearts and reveal in their eyes, gestures and especially in their silences "

"And yet - continued the Pope - the birth of every child brings something of this mystery! Parents, who receive their child as a gift, know this well and often speak in such terms. We have all happened to hear a father or a mother say: "This child is a gift, a miracle." In fact, human beings do not experience procreation as a mere reproductive act, but perceive its richness, sense that every human creature born into this world is the "sign" par excellence of the Creator and Father in heaven. How important it is, then, that every child coming into this world is welcomed by the warmth of a family! No matter the outward comforts: Jesus is born in a stable, with a manger as his first cradle, but the love of Mary and Joseph made him feel the tenderness and beauty of being loved. Children need this: the love of father and mother. That 's what gives them security and in growth, allows them to discover the meaning of life. "

"The Holy Family of Nazareth experienced many trials, for example - as mentioned in the Gospel according to Matthew - the" Massacre of the Innocents ", which forced Mary and Joseph to emigrate to Egypt (cf. 2.13 to 23). But, trusting in divine Providence, they found their stability and provided a serene childhood and a solid education for Jesus. "

"Dear friends - he concluded - the Holy Family is certainly unique and unrepeatable, but at the same time it is the "model" for every family, because Jesus, true man, chose to be born to in a human family, and in so doing has blessed and consecrated it. Therefore, we entrust to the Virgin Mary and St. Joseph all families, so they are not discouraged by trials and difficulties, but always cultivate conjugal love and confidently devote themselves to the service of life and education. "

Ishrat Nawreen Shamma is a reader of this column. She wrote to me the following: "I visited Rupganj recently. There they make Jamdani sari. They have handloom to weave the sari. There are a few patterns that they follow. Each takes about a month to make. Little kids learn to make and they are quite the experts! I found it really interesting!

There are saris and dupattas and cloth to make kameez of various colours and patterns. Many well known shops buy from them.

The price ranges from 3000 Taka onwards to 10000; there are 50000 Taka saris also. They are ordered by big outlets, but there are few customers for the expensive ones.

I want to train little kids to weave and earn in this way; children who are basically street urchins and live in the slums and beg for money, or do other work.

While they come and earn we can teach them little by little. While they learn this craft they'll learn other things also. I want to train them and keep a supervisor too to maintain quality.

What are the pros n cons? I have many other dreams too. This I want to do to make their life better as a voluntary service. I really feel bad for the street urchins.

Shamma wrote to me for advice. I want to give her encouragement by narrating the grit of another lady in another country under a very different type of adversity.

Dr. Hawa, a 63-year-old (Somalian) ob-gyn who earned a law degree on the side, is visiting the United States to raise money for her health work back home. A member of Somalia's elite, she founded a one-room clinic in 1983, but then the Somalian government collapsed, famine struck, and aid groups fled. So today Dr Hawa is running a 400-bed hospital.

Over the years, the hospital became the core of something even grander. Thousands and thousands of people displaced by civil war came to shelter on Dr Hawa's 1,300 acres of farmland around the hospital. Today her home and hospital have been overtaken by a vast camp that she says numbers about 90,000 displaced people.

Dr Hawa supplies these 90,000 people with drinking water and struggles to find ways to feed them. She worries that handouts breed dependency (and in any case, United Nations agencies can't safely reach her now to distribute food), so she is training formerly nomadic herding families to farm and even to fish in the sea.

She's also pushing education. An American freelance journalist, Eliza Griswold, visited Dr Hawa's encampment in 2007 and 2008 and was stunned that an unarmed woman had managed to create a secure, functioning oasis surrounded by a chaotic land of hunger and warlords. Ms. Griswold helped Dr Hawa start a school for 850 children, mostly girls. It's only a tiny fraction of the children in the camp, but it's a start. (Ms Griswold also wrote movingly about Dr Hawa in her book "The Tenth Parallel: Dispatches from the Fault Line Between Christianity and Islam.")

In addition, Dr Hawa runs literacy and health classes for women, as well as programmes to discourage female genital mutilation. And she operates a tiny jail for men who beat their wives.

"We are trying an experiment," she told me. "We women in Somalia are trying to be leaders in our community."

So Dr Hawa had her hands full already and then in May a hard-line militia, Hizb al-Islam, or Party of Islam, decided that a woman shouldn't run anything substantial. The militia ordered her to hand over operations, and she refused and pointedly added: "I may be a woman, but I'm a doctor. What have you done for society?"

The Party of Islam then attacked with 750 soldiers and seized the hospital. The world's Somalis reacted with outrage, and the militia backed down and ordered Dr Hawa to run the hospital, but under its direction.

She refused. For a week there were daily negotiations, but Dr Hawa refused to budge. She demanded that the militia not only withdraw entirely but also submit a written apology.

"I was begging her, 'Just give in,' " recalled Deqo Mohamed, her daughter, a doctor in Atlanta who spoke regularly to her mother by telephone. "She was saying, 'No! I will die with dignity.' "

It didn't come to that. The Party of Islam tired of being denounced by Somalis at home and around the world, so it slinked off and handed over an apology but also left behind a wrecked hospital. The operating theatre still isn't functional, and that's why Dr Hawa is here, appealing for money (especially from ethnic Somalis). She has worked out an arrangement with Vital Voices, a group that helps to empower female leaders, to channel tax-deductible contributions to her hospital.

Ours is not to wonder what and how. Ours is to support all the great ideas that the youth have. There is a Dr Hawa, a Mother Teresa, a Rokeya Begum in each of them.

The lack of investment in infrastructure and the constant risk of oligopolies in the agro-food sector affect the struggle against poverty in the Sub-Saharan region said Nigerian Kanayo Nwanze, president of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) to MISNA,). According to the IFAD 2011 report, presented last Friday in Rome, the Sub-Saharan region is the only one where 'extreme poverty' continues to increase. Nwanze said that in the past ten years, African farmers having an income below USD 1.25 per day have increased from 268 to 306 million. "The situation compared to 40 years ago when no African country was a net importer of food items". However, to launch new dynamics, is not impossible. Some countries, once considered hopeless, have shown this. Now they are among the most dynamic countries in the world nowadays. "In China, India, Vietnam and Brazil - says the IFAD president - rural poverty has been reduced thanks to long term infrastructure policies". In Africa, the lack of spending on roads, ports or railways continues to exclude from the market millions of farmers including potentially small entrepreneurs who want to produce more and better. "The development of road networks could raise salaries, schools and hospitals". The private sector and agro-food multinationals could also offer a contribution by fueling demand for products would also end up determining higher prices for farmers. While some of these scenarios have sometimes developed, Nwanze cites the case of the production of palm oil in Uganda. There is the fear of accords between the government and the multinationals resulting in oligopoly regimes. In the conversation wioth the president of IFAD there is a return of the themes developed in a recent study by the UN Special Rapporteur for the right to food, Olivier de Schutter. His research cites the case of Cote d'Ivoire as well, the world's largest cocoa producer. The national market is dominated by three companies, the American ADM, Cargill and the Belgian Barry Callebaut. In an attempt to reduce costs, producers have cut the salaries of the workers while also relying on minors for labor. [BO]

The birth of the Savior urges the world to put God and mankind in first place, not politics, money, or ideology. Where this is not the case, there are flickering signs of violence and war. The pope's proposal for a new culture of coexistence and respect for religious freedom

"Glory to God in the highest and on earth peace to those on whom his favor rests" the angels’ cry of jubilation on Christmas Eve is in sharp contrast to the news and events that we report here and around the world this year.

The hymn of peace of the night when God becomes child, seems overwhelmed by ominous threats, winds of war and violence that are bloodying the Asian continent: instability and acts of terrorism in Iraq (with the massacre of many Christians) tell us that peace and security for that land, years after ouster of Saddam Hussein, are far from becoming a reality. Widespread tensions in Afghanistan and also Pakistan show no signs of abating, not even with the help of weapons, aid, dialogue, elections. The peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians, so dear to us Christians and deeply desired by Barack Obama is slowly turning into the opposite, with the ever more violent spread of the Israeli settlements in the occupied territories.

Further to the east, for possession of a handful of semi-deserted islands - perhaps with a seabed rich in oil deposits – China ha clashed with Vietnam and the Philippines, and further east still, with Japan.

The new dictatorial leadership of North Korea announces its presence in the Yellow Sea by bombing innocent civilians and military bases in a showdown that raises the risk of another world war.

Then if we turn our gaze to the West, we perceive a battle for survival of countries in bankruptcy and a currencies war between the U.S. and China that impoverishes both nations and condemns the two populations to a difficult economic existence, with the risk of unrest within the their own countries.

The world risks self- degradation and even self- destruction because it does not listen to the words of the Christmas hymn. It says, "Peace on earth to those on whom His favor rests", the men that God loved so much that He cast onto the earth His most precious possession, His Son. But wars are always on the horizon because instead of the "primacy of man", "the primacy of politics", of the "economy", or of "ideology" is given pride of place. In short, the primacy of a "power" where man claims to be God and grabs, accumulates, steals, oppresses, chains, kills other men.

In his encyclical, Caritas in veritate, Benedict XVI amply demonstrated that the world needs to revise the pillars upon which the coexistence of peoples, economics, ecology, labour, culture rest, making the truth and human dignity the foundations for a new, more comprehensive material and spiritual development.

In particular, he pointed out that the threshold of this new beginning is respect for religious freedom (29). This right, the litmus test for all other freedoms, is the central theme of the message for the next World Day of Peace 2011: "Freedom of religion, path to peace”. Not by chance, the very countries listed at the beginning, where signs of wars and tensions flicker, are also places where the religious man is humiliated, and where freedom of conscience and expression is severely limited.

But is not even the West is saved: here, where God is mocked and a happy and empty materialism is the preferred choice, many neuroses and frustrations emerge, which render a civil if difficult. "A prosperous society – says the pope in his encyclical - highly developed in material terms but weighing heavily on the soul, is not of itself conducive to authentic development." (n. 76).

Working for religious freedom, giving space in society to the truth about man and God, is the path of peace. Merry Christmas.

The Rapid action Battalion (RAB), a paramilitary organisation of Bangladesh notorious for its extrajudicial killings, have been receiving trainings under UK, reveals a freshly released cable form Wikileaks. However, the British Foreign Office has said in a statement that it only provides "human rights training to RAB”.

The United Kingdom (UK) has been training the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), a paramilitary organisation in Bangladesh, known for its notoriety - it is said to have conducted more than 1000 extra-judicial killings since 2004 - revealed a leaked United States (US) diplomatic cable.

Termed as a "government death squad" by various human rights organisations, members of the RAB have received training in "investigative interviewing techniques" and "rules of engagement" by the British for over three years now, said the cable which was leaked by the online whistleblower, WikiLeaks.

The reason for British involvement in Bangladesh stems from the UK's (along with those of the US) counter-terrorism objectives. Interestingly, however, the US government had refused to provide assistance to RAB other than training in human rights related projects. This is because it would be illegal under US laws to support an organisation whose members commit gross human rights violations.

Calling them "crossfire" deaths, the RAB has reported killing 622 people till March this year, up from 577 till September 2009. It has also been accused of using torture, kidnapping people, extortion, and taking bribes to carry out these killings.

Some cables, however, quote US Ambassador to Dhaka James Moriarty. One of them said, "(The RAB) is an enforcement organisation, best positioned to, one day become a Bangladeshi version of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)."

The cables have also revealed that both the British and the Americans favour the strengthening of the force as "RAB enjoys a great deal of respect and admiration from a population scarred by decreasing law and order over the last decade." In the cable, Moriarty also said that the US is "constrained by RAB's alleged human rights violations, which have rendered the organisation ineligible to receive training or assistance."

Though the British Foreign Office has said in a statement that it only provides "human rights training to RAB," Mejbah Uddin, head of training of RAB said in an interview with the British daily, The Guardian, that he was unaware of any human rights training being given by the UK, since his appointment last year.

According to human rights group, Human Rights Watch, it is very difficult to reform RAB whose human rights records have deteriorated during the last one year. The Bangladeshi human rights organisation, Odhikar has documented RAB's involvement in extra-judicial killings and torture since its creation.

However, this is not the first time the UK and the US have been involved in the internal affairs of other countries on the pretext of their own national and global interests. For instance, the United States' School of Americas is quite infamous for training Latin American military officers, providing weapons and training to Georgia, and numerous African armies including that of Congo, often accused of human rights violations.

When Bangladesh freed itself from the clutches of the Pakistani ruling class 40 years ago, it promised to establish a society based on democracy and social justice. The call to bring about socialism and the economic emancipation of the masses was in the air. Democracy we have established, but its principles have remained merely on paper and with the birth of a perverted form of capitalism, the gulf between the rich and the poor is widening every day. How far away are we from the promised Golden Bengal, which thousands of martyrs of our Liberation War only dreamt of but could not achieve?

Democracy in the country has yet to get a firm footing, the primary reason being the military dictatorships that plagued the country in the first two decades of the country's existence that did not let the democratic institutions to flourish. The first blow, however, came from none other than the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman himself, when he ceremoniously imposed a one-party political system, which also banned all but four newspapers.

After the brutal and barbaric murders of Bangabandhu and all but two of his family members, the country plunged into an abyss of darkness. A string of coups and counter-coups followed, and Gen Ziaur Rahman seized power in a bloodless coup. The first military dictator in the country's history, Zia quickly dumped the founding principles of the country and made way for the rehabilitation of the collaborators of the occupying Pakistani army.

Zia also militarised the country's politics. The former military strongmen used to think that every politician carried a price tag and he could buy anyone and everyone if he met the price. Thus, using the military and political establishments in his favour, Zia used to buy politicians at random. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) that he formed soon became a strange amalgam of former Pak-army collaborators, depressed Maoists and other opportunist politicians who participated in the sham of an election that was held in Zia's regime.

Zia was murdered in a failed coup in Chittagong, and, within months, Gen HM Ershad, another military man, grabbed power. Ershad followed his slain predecessor's footsteps closely. He bought politicians, bribed bureaucrats and introduced corruption at a mass scale. Ershad's rule had been synonymous with misrule, abuse of power and institutionalised corruption.

Democracy was restored in 2000 through a mass upsurge and the general elections that followed had witnessed the country's first democratically elected government in the last one and a half decades assume power. Even though parliamentary democracy has taken a firm root over the last 20 years and transition of power has been more or less smoothly, both the major political parties do not practice intra-party democracy. To make matters worse, power in both Awami League (AL) and the BNP is centred on the top party leaders. The party forums remain tightly controlled, and any kind of internal dissent is quickly squashed. The rivalry between Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia has indeed been a bitter affair. In fact, the acrimonious relationship seeps through to the grassroots, snowballing into violent clashes in the streets.

The AL and BNP, whenever they are in power, have set a trend of boycotting the proceedings of the parliament. With the left benches remaining empty, it is always difficult to make the floor function smoothly and the last four parliaments have been no exception. The general tendency of the opposition benchers have been to drag an issue from the floor to the streets and the ruling party gives the opposition ample excuses, legitimate or otherwise, to bring out violent processions in the streets or to call hartal. The motto is to keep the morale of the party workers high, and the parliament's otherwise boring proceedings do little to that effect. So, although we have a parliamentary democracy in which power has never been changed in any other way but elections, hartals are called, meetings are held in the streets, blocking the way of the general people, the very people both the parties so feverishly want to save from each other.

As democracy is not practised in their folds, both the parties lack fresh blood in their leaderships. Gone are the days when student politics have given birth to politicians like Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Matia Chowdhury and Mujahidul Islam Selim, who, against all odds have always set their priorities right--emancipation of the masses that is. Student politics is now plagued by thugs and goons who see politics as a quick means of earning a few millions. Clashes between rival student groups, sometimes belonging to the same party, over domination of dormitories or share of government tender are rampant.

Another alarming tendency in the country's politics is the presence of an overwhelming number of businessmen in the parliament. Business interests at times overlap politics and in some major cases have taken over the nation and its people's concerns. There are deplorable examples in which businessmen, by virtue of money and muscle, have been given precedence over seasoned politicians while giving party nominations. Politics has become a new form of trading for some, a profession where one starts as a local thug, and if luck has it, one can gradually upgrade oneself and make it big, and can win a ticket from one of the major parties.

However, one of the major successes that the country's polity has achieved is the trial and punishment of the killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. But investigations and trials of other political murders and the trial of war criminals who actively participated in the murder and rape of innocent Bengalis in 1971 has not yet started. There is mistrust in the air too, as no significant progress has been made on the trial front; many remain sceptical as to whether the government is sincere in continuing with the trial of the war criminals.

Bangladesh, a Muslim majority country, had always run the risk of getting influenced by hate preaching or abuse of the religion that the people deem sacred. One reason why the country's politics has never followed the footsteps of Pakistan, its infamous predecessor, is because ordinary Bangladeshis never entertained any violent ideology. The worst form of violence that the country has seen in the name of religion was in Khaleda's last term in office. Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), the group that carried out some suicide attacks at that time was patronised by a major political establishment, and when that support was withdrawn, the JMB found itself without any popular support. In fact, almost all the major arrests of terror suspects that law-enforcing agencies have made have been based on tip off from ordinary people who themselves are deeply religious.

Both the major parties, while in power, politicise the civil administration heavily, so much so that an Adviser to the Prime Minister has publicly said that no opposition party member will be given job in the government service. The inevitable result of this by-partisan actions have resulted in erosion in public trust in the civil service, which has remained as corrupt and lethargic as it has always been.

Judiciary, another major organ of the state, is also facing testing times. A few months ago a former judge of the country's highest court has called some of his ex-colleagues corrupt and a recent opinion poll done by Transparency International Bangladesh has put judiciary in the list of five most corrupt sectors in the country. Seventy nine percent of Bangladeshis have also thought the police corrupt. This is, however, no news, for ordinary Bangladeshis know it for sure that the men in uniform regularly takes bribes and the country is littered with stories where the cops, in connivance with criminals, have falsely implicated innocent individuals or changed the course of justice by issuing made-up investigative reports. As they blindly follow the command their political mentors, a type of inter-dependency between political thugs and some policemen are at work here too. Police are always soft on thugs belonging to the ruling party, and the establishment, for its turn, helps the partisan officers with promotions and turns a blind eye to their misdeeds.

It is not as dreary, however, on the economic front. The country's growth rate has remained steady compared to the era of military dictatorship when it was a meagre 4.5 percent. The growth rate has shot up to 6, but lack of infrastructure and proper vision have kept the dream of a double-digit growth at bay. Forty years since its independence, the country still faces acute energy crisis, and power supply to the towns and different industrial zones has to be stopped at the peak seasons when major crops are sowed to ensure uninterrupted power supply to the farmlands.

Agriculture, over the years, has shown robust growth, and for several consecutive years the country has attained food autarky. But it has never been a consistent phenomenon. Garment and manpower have remained the country's two major bread earners, and the absence of any government assistance to the latter, let alone any proper policy, means migrant workers are abandoned on foreign soil, without any support whatsoever from different Bangladesh missions that are strewn across the globe.

What hinders economic growth most is perhaps corruption and nepotism, which makes Bangladesh one of the most difficult countries to do business in. Foreign investment in the country has not increased to the extent it should have because of bureaucratic tangles, which sets one hurdle after the other before prospective businesses.

In fact, for such a densely populated country it is a must that the policymakers find alternative markets for manpower export or build necessary skills to arm the populace to face the challenges of the new century. That, however, has remained a far cry. The subsequent governments have flirted with different types of education policies and none of them has so far been successful in establishing a knowledge-based society which will be forward looking, yet rooted in the culture and heritage of this land.

The present government has taken some initiatives to meet the country's energy need. But no policy initiative has so far been taken to tap the country's huge mineral resources to meet the crying need of the country's economy.

The country's stock market, which has shown steady growth, has remained unregulated and volatile. Markets are also plagued with unnatural pricing, making it difficult for conscious buyers to make a decision.

Prices of essentials have been skyrocketing in the last couple of years, and the government's inability to intervene into the markets is worsening the plight of the poor who are shelving protein nutrients from their grocery list.

The country, however, has made some remarkable breakthroughs on the health sector, bringing down significantly child mortality rates and also successfully fighting some fatal illnesses. Despite this, proper healthcare facility has remained in the hands of the rich, who can afford designer hospitals or can fly off to foreign hospitals when they are sick. Public hospitals are filthy, unfurnished and are the only option open to the poor. Even though some NGO-run hospitals are giving rudimentary facilities to the poor in the villages, basic healthcare, for which the state is pledge-bound, is still far beyond the means of the masses.

Different micro-lenders have made significant inroads into the villages, which otherwise would have remained outside the reach of traditional banking system. But whether these institutions have made an impact on the lives of those who rely on them is still a matter of conjecture.

The government-run television and radio are still tightly controlled and the way news is treated in these two mediums are eerily similar with the days of the military dictatorship. However, the country now boasts an independent media, which does not shy away from catching the governments on the wrong foot. Even though intimidation of different forms still exists, print and electronic media has grown to become a formidable watchdog.

With the spread of the Internet, blogs like Blogger, Wordpress and Shocholayoton have made new grounds. People can express their opinions freely and frankly, and thoughts against the establishment that some media-houses will not entertain make their way to this websites. The country has also gone through a cellular revolution, which has seen a boom in the country's telecommunications sector. On the other side of the coin, crimes related to technology are also on the rise, which the existing laws are turning out to be inadequate to fight.

But, as rate of poverty remains high and the number of people who can access the Internet has been markedly low, the impact that these sites can make are only on arm-chair revolutionaries who belong to a particular class. The civil society in Bangladesh has also morphed from a mere paper tiger into a formidable voice in the country's politics. Different organisations such as the TIB and Centre for Policy Dialogue are putting pressures on the government and errant policymakers. But their presence in the social spectrum is yet to challenge the existing political establishment.

The key to this controlled chaos is in politics, which has to go through a sea change. Democratic principles need to be established in the parties and a common ground needs to be reached on the burning issues of the time so that come what may the major policy decisions do not change. There is nothing called partisan administration or judiciary in democracy; bureaucrats must be allowed to work freely; judges need to be appointed on the basis of merit alone.

The party in power has to separate itself from the government and the set of people who hold government posts should leave their party positions before taking oath to office. A temporary moratorium needs to be slapped on student politics and the mother parties must separate themselves from different professional bodies. After the last general elections, there are reasons to believe that the Anti-corruption Commission (ACC) is going through stagnation. The ACC has to be revamped so that it can act neutrally and can deal with institutionalised corruption in different government offices.

It is true that the problems that Bangladesh faces in the prime of its youth are manifold in nature, but its solutions, like all problems in life, are simple. The politicians must stop squabbling over petty personal matters and strike a consensus on the issues of national importance.

Bangladesh is a country brimming with potential and it is also plagued with problems. The onus lies on the people of Bangladesh and their political leaders to rise up to the challenge that a new globalised world has thrown before them. The beacon of hope in these bleak days is the indomitable spirit of ordinary Bangladeshis, who strongly believe in democratic principles. In fact, the people have always voted for change; they are politically conscious, and even though they have been fooled many a time by the politicians, the masses of this country have put their trust in democracy by turning up at the polling booths in overwhelming numbers, making their silent but firm voice heard. In the last four parliamentary elections a party has never been sent to the office twice in a row, which shows the voters sheer disillusionment. The resilience of people has been the cornerstone of the achievements of the last 40 years. Despite all the betrayal by their leaders, the people have hoped against hope, have gone to the polling station en masse at a time when voter turnout is declining even in western democracies. And our politicians have been persistent in dashing all their hopes.

The brightest stars in the country's economy are the small and medium enterprises, which, if they are given the proper patronisation, have the capability to bring about a change in the rural economy. But for that to happen, the government needs to make the necessary amendments to law to make sure that new businesses can be easily set up. Government-run banks can start giving away interest-free loans to the SMEs that work in manufacturing sectors and those who have the potential to go for large-scale employments in famine-prone poverty-ridden areas. A mini share market where the SMEs can generate a quick few million or two can be set up. But at the end of the day what is needed is the goodwill and vision that our political leadership lacks.

At 40, Bangladesh stands where it was when a new dawn broke on the picturesque green of Racecourse in Shahbagh on December 16, 1971. Bangladesh was full of pride and passion, but it all went astray because of lack of visionary leadership and political will.

The country, immediately after its independence, was dubbed a bottomless basket; its economy was in such a shambles that there were serious speculations in many quarters on how many million US dollars the country would need should a natural disaster struck next. From that Bangladesh now hopes to become a middle-income country in a couple of years. The country, which was infamous for political murder and military coups, has become a leading democratic nation in the world, an example for developing nations. It took us as long as four decades to get an inch closer to the promised Golden Bengal, but the dream of a society free from exploitation, a country where freedom of people will be celebrated, still remains as distant as ever.

Hana Akter received the award, a recognition of her contributions to the welfare of the female sex workers in Bangladesh. She humbly accepted the emblem, said a few words and descended from the stage as it happens in any other award-giving ceremony, where reputed social activists are honoured for their philanthropic activities. But Hana Aktar is not a member of the elite; she is a former sex worker- one of the many facts that made this seemingly ordinary “award-giving” event quite extraordinary. On a wintry evening, on December 10 on the sixty-second anniversary of the International Human Rights Day, Manusher Jonno Foundation took the initiative to acknowledge and commemorate the contribution of the unrecognised, grass-root level human right defenders. “They are victims of discrimination and human rights violation themselves but they didn't surrender to their adversity; despite all their inconveniences they decided to stand up and defend the rights of others. When privileged people like us work for human rights, it seems we pity the deprived. But these people conquered their obstacles and came forth to help, like real heroes,” said Farida Akhter, Executive Director of Ubinig and jury member of the award-giving committee.

Hana said that while everyone talked about women's rights, no one talked about theirs. So after being tortured and deprived beyond tolerance she decided to rise up for securing the rights of people like her. “Children of sex workers' don't have access to education, we don't get any benefits of a citizen; people treat us like animals. My life taught me to stand up for myself and I have dedicated my life for those who can't do that,” said Hana.

Hana was one of the thirteen grass root level activists who were awarded for their action against social discrimination.

84-year-old Monowara Khatun, one of the awardees, devoted her life to educate girls and women. “It's easy to talk about liberating and educating women these days, but back in 1947 it was a next to impossible. Women were not even allowed to step outside of their own homes, let alone be educated. When I used to request parents to send their daughters to school, they used to tell me that it's a disgrace for a family if the daughters and women went outside to work. It used to hurt me because I used to work outside,” she said while explaining the difficulties she faced to enlighten the female populace in the 40s. Despite all difficulties, Monowara Khatun tirelessly worked to educate and emancipate women socially and economically. According to her, she was then thought of as an antagonist who wanted to exploit women of Bangladesh; the award finally bestowed upon her, the respect she deserves.

It's not just gender-based discrimination that prevails in our society. People are discriminated against for physical disabilities, religion, ethnicity and economic condition. For twenty years, Nirmal Chandra Daas, a Harijan himself, worked for the community's social status as Bangladeshi citizens and their basic rights. Ajay A Mree, another aboriginal Bangladeshi, rebelled for thirty-six years to establish the rights of the natives of Madhupur. Ranglai Mro was arrested and brutally tortured for his protest against the land-grabbers in the Chittagang hill tracks; still he is continuing his fight against the oppression towards the tribes in the hill tracks. They have risked their lives, families and practically everything for their cause; their sacrifice and love for the deprived became even more apparent when they publicly dedicated their awards to the people they have been fighting for. Bishodmoni Toppo shares their devotion as like them she, putting her life at stake, led the protest against the Bengali oppressors who burnt seventy-two tribal families in Borombari of Niyamat Thana in 1993; she has been working with and for the native tribes since. Such another brave-heart Bichitra Tirki demanded the Government to either affirm the rights of the adivasis as Bangladeshi citizens or to ask them to leave the country while receiving her award. The anger and sorrow in her voice attested the torture and deprivation the community face in this country.

Jagdish Barman's struggle for ensuring the rights of the landless masses in Gazipur proves that ours is a country where might is right. Still, with his indefatigable spirit and hard work he helped 1500 families to retrieve their properties from powerful land-grabbers. “A shelter for living is one of the very basic rights of a citizen. Even after 39 years of liberation, we haven't been able to secure that right. But Jagdish single-handedly did the impossible,” said human rights activist Hameeda Hossain, while presenting the award to Jagdish.

Children are perhaps the worst victims of social discrimination. Orphan children, especially, experience the worst kind of deprivation. But Mosammad Bilkis Banu decided to nurture those innocent souls who were abandoned by the society, the government and even by their surviving parent. Benevolent Bilkis runs an orphanage entirely with her family income and provides the unfortunate children with food, education and shelter.

Md Abdus Salam Khondokar has been doing his multifaceted social activities to build up a civilised, uncorrupted, equal society. He aspires to continue to work as an activist.

Kavita Ranee Biswas received her award for her work against religious discriminations. “Most Hindu marriages are still conducted without any kind of registration. So a husband can easily abandon his wife and no one can do anything about it. Hindu women don't even have the right on their parents' properties; we are financially handicapped,” she says to explain the condition of Hindu women in Bangladesh. Kavita was married at the age of 13 and was a victim of domestic violence. But instead of abiding by the inhuman norms, she stood against them and devoted her life to help others like her. She thinks, receiving an honour for her contributions has increased the gravity of her responsibility and she hopes to carry on with her crusade.

Visually handicapped Md Nuruzzaman Miya is another anonymous hero due to whose contributions today our public transports have two reserved seats for people with disabilities. An activist for the disabled since 1999, Nuruzzaman dedicated his award to the 1.5 crore handicap people in Bangladesh.

During the month of victory, honouring the nation's heroes who are fighting against social discrimination blended with the motto of the Liberation War itself. “Bangladesh separated from Pakistan because of the inhuman discrimination against against us. My role as a freedom fighter just began with the Liberation War. We are yet to liberate our people from illiteracy, poverty, corruption and oppression,” said Shekh Abdul Kaiyum who received the award for his selfless contributions towards the socio-economic development of Khulna.

History has observed ordinary people accomplishing extraordinary feats. But these thirteen stories are the saga of those unfortunate civilians who did not even have the 'luxury' of an ordinary life. Still they dared to fight, not just for themselves, but for people like them as well. No awards can actually do justice to the extent of what they have done and have been doing. But this sort of recognition at least lets us know that in a country where politics is the alias for corruption, where deprivation is synonymous to life itself, there are Messiahs who are there to support, heal and empathise the sorrow and pain of the deprived, in silence.

The report ‘Trigger Happy': Excessive Use of Force by Indian Troops at the Bangladesh Border by Human Rights Watch examines numerous cases of human rights violations by the security forces deployed at India Bangladesh border. ‘Trigger Happy': Excessive Use of Force by Indian Troops at the Bangladesh Border

India and Bangladesh should take immediate steps to end the killing of hundreds of their citizens at the West Bengal-Bangladesh border by India's Border Security Force (BSF), Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The Indian government should prosecute BSF soldiers responsible for serious human rights abuses, Human Rights Watch said.

The 81-page report, "‘Trigger Happy': Excessive Use of Force by Indian Troops at the Bangladesh Border," documents the situation on the border region, where both Bangladesh and India have deployed border guards to prevent infiltration, trafficking, and smuggling. Human Rights Watch found numerous cases of indiscriminate use of force, arbitrary detention, torture, and killings by the security force, without adequate investigation or punishment. The report is based on over 100 interviews with victims, witnesses, human rights defenders, journalists, law- enforcement officials, and Border Security Force and Bangladesh Rifles' (BDR) members.

"The border force seems to be out of control, with orders to shoot any suspect," said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The border operations ignore the most basic rule of law, the presumption of innocence."

Since both Indians and Bangladeshis have fallen prey to this excessive use of force, both governments need to open a joint independent investigation to turn the situation around, Human Rights Watch said.

NGO Médecins Sans Frontières has initiated a pilot programme in Bangladesh to drastically reduce acute malnutrition among children under the age of five. Health promoters visit homes to identify severely malnourished children and offer cooking demonstrations emphasizing on food hygiene to mothers.

Community-based treatments may hold the key to whittling down high rates of acute malnutrition among children under five in Bangladesh. A pilot scheme on this is being run by the NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), which hopes to evaluate it by May 2011.

Half a million children suffer from severe "wasting" - or acute malnutrition - in Bangladesh. Due to starvation or disease they are far under the weight of healthy children their height, according to a 2009 survey conducted by the UN and the government.

The public health system has failed these children, according to a 2008 government report on the treatment of severely malnourished children.

"Active case finding [of severely malnourished children] in the community is rare or absent; many families cannot afford the economic and opportunity costs associated with facility-based inpatient care and health facilities cannot reasonably handle such a high case load," the report said.

The Ministry of Health and Welfare in the report promoted community treatment as a solution for children who do not have medical complications.

Since May 2010, MSF's health promoters have been visiting homes to identify severely malnourished children and to offer almost 700 cooking demonstrations to mothers.

The classes emphasize food hygiene and offer new ways of preparing local dishes so nutrients are not lost.

Roxana Begum, whose son is recovering from severe malnutrition, told IRIN: "After a month, my son was sick of eating Plumpy’nut paste [protein-rich food]. So now I can also cook `khichuri’ [local lentil dish] in a clean and healthy way."

The project operates in conjunction with MSF’s therapeutic feeding centre in Kamrangir Char, a slum on the outskirts of Dhaka with 400,000 people squeezed into 3sqkm.

A 23-year-old mother of two, Nusrat Jahan, whose son was diagnosed with severe wasting in June, has visited the clinic four times. “I was so worried about my son and… I had no idea where to find help.”

An MSF doctor, Shanmim Shafid, told IRIN he hopes the project will help change poor food habits. "Most mothers are working and don’t have time to cook, so children are left on the streets with enough money to buy cheap, sweet biscuits."

The still-rising cost of food is one of several factors contributing to persistently high rates of wasting. Food prices in June 2010 increased by almost 11 percent over the previous year, according to the government.

Jahan told IRIN: "Our food intake consists of potatoes, 'dal ' [lentils] and rice. We never eat meat, because one kilogram of chicken would cost us more than our total daily food budget."

Another factor is the lack of treatment facilities and specialists to treat severe malnutrition at most primary healthcare centres, said Diane Lindsey, the country director of NGO Helen Keller International - and more often than not there is no nearby health centre, noted the US-based Feinstein International Centre. If judged to be successful nutritionally and financially feasible, MSF will expand the scheme to other urban as well as rural communities, Niklas Bergstrand, MSF's communications officer, said.

Mubin S Khan investigates the reasons behind the recent unrests involving Ready Made Garments (RMG) workers that has caused a large amount of damage, destruction and death, during the last week

Starting from December 7, when the process to pay the monthly wages of more than three million workers, working in nearly 5,000 garments and apparels factories around the country, had begun, under the new wage structure announced by the government on July 29 this year, violent protests erupted in most of the industrial hubs in the country including Dhaka, Chittagong, Narayanganj and Gazipur.

According to media reports, between December 7 and 12, violent clashes between workers and policemen, acts of vandalism including ransacking of factories, attack on vehicles and nearby establishments, setting vehicles and factories on fire, road blockages, were reported in as many as 55 factories and its surrounding areas, in the four cities.

One particular clash, which catapulted the issue to national attention, is the violence that erupted at the factory of South Korea-based YoungOne Corporation based at the Chittagong Export Processing Zone, a company which single-handedly accounts for nearly five per cent of the country’s entire apparel export earning. At the CEPZ, three people have been reportedly killed, a hundred people, including workers, policemen and journalists, injured, 30 vehicles damaged while 10 factories were vandalised. While the violence at YoungOne erupted after the sudden closure of the factory, the entire CEPZ had to be subsequently closed down because of the violence.

By the end, nearly 400 people, a fourth of them policemen, were injured through stones, brickbats and bullets, around a 100 vehicles vandalised, more than 20 factories damaged, and more than four people dead, and possibly more, as workers at the CEPZ strongly claimed that a few more unaccounted for people had disappeared.

The violence could be described as a sequel to the violence that erupted in July-August this year, after the new minimum wage was announced, as workers around the country expressed discontent over the provisions of the structure, which set minimum wage at Tk 3,000 against their demands of Tk 5,000 and set a timeframe of three months for the structure to be implemented, which meant that workers were deprived of two Eid bonuses under the new structure, which reportedly amounted to a gain of 2000 crore takas for the owners. Nearly 70 to 80 workers and labour leaders were arrested during the time, while labour leaders claimed that cases had been filed against 21,000 workers.

While the protests at the time died down after a week or so, many labour leaders as well as owners had speculated and warned the government at the time that the violence was bound to erupt once more when the wages for the month of November, when the timeline provided by the government came to an end, were to be paid during the first week of December. However, despite setting up regional committees comprising of labour leaders at the time of the August troubles, the government proved helpless in the face of protests, while the owners once again cried foul play – the all too well-known theory of international conspiracy by rival nations. The troubles subsided belatedly on November 13, when state minister of labour, Munnujan Sufian, declared the setting up of a tripartite steering committee to look into the implementation of the new minimum wage structure.

While newspaper headlines during the clashes highlighted the violence, damage and death, caused by the protests, very little attention has so far been paid to the actual demands of the workers and reasons for restoring to such violent measures. According to the Bangladesh Garments Manufacturers and Exporters Association President, Abdus Salam Murshedy, nearly 80 to 85 per cent of the factories who are members of BGMEA have implemented the new structure, a much bigger improvement in numbers compared to previous structures which took decades to be implemented. Despite initial protests, many labour leaders admit that most workers have accepted the new structure, which accounts for an increase of 67 to 108 per cent in basic wages, compared to the previous minimum wage structure. Which beckons the question, why such violent reaction?

The protests, this time around, seems to have stemmed not so much from the actual implementation of the wage structure, though a number of factories have failed to implement the new structure and labour leaders strongly dispute Murshedy’s claim of 80-85 per cent, pegging it down to 70 per cent, but in the manner the structure has been implemented, where owners have exploited loopholes in the minimum wage structure to deprive workers of any serious increase in their earnings.

‘The workers are not getting what they were supposed to get,’ says Mushrefa Mishu, President of Bangladesh Garments Workers Unity Forum, who was later arrested by the Detective Branch of Police on December 14. ‘Most of the senior workers who have been working over 10 to 15 years, are being offered a far lesser raise in comparison to what entry-level workers are gaining. This is leading to a lot of discontent.’

'Those who used to earn Tk 1,125 are getting Tk 2,500 while those who already got Tk 2,500, thanks to allowances, are now only getting Tk 3,000,’ says Razquzzaman Ratan, general secretary of the Socialist Labour Front. ‘The biggest problem seems to be with the Grade IV and V of the new structure, where owners are ignoring experience to implement the minimum wage,’ he adds.

According to media reports and labour leaders, owners are implementing the new structure by downgrading grades, by omitting allowances that they had been receiving, by ignoring experience as well as exploiting loopholes in the structure which specifically does not mention minimum wages for positions such as the iron man, supervisor and operator.

Delwar Hossain, an employee of Mohakhali’s Rahman Garments, said that though he has more than 12 years’ experience as an operator, he saw that he had been included in Grade V when he went to receive his wages according to the new pay structure. ‘I expected to be included in Grade III because of my experience.’

Tania, a stitching operator of a factory in the BSCIC Industry Estate in Narayanganj, alleged that operators with even six to ten years of experience found themselves included in Grade IV or V which are for workers who have just been promoted from the grade of helper or junior operator.

At YoungOne, employees were allegedly outraged by the omission of Tk 500 in allowances they had been receiving under the previous wage structure. ‘You cannot take back what you have given. It is a basic premise of labour law and relations,’ says Ratan.

Chairman of the parliamentary affairs committee on the labour ministry, Israfil Alam, admits that the owners should take some responsibility for the violence that took place during the week. ‘I have come across a pay slip in which the authorities have just spelt out an amount without giving a breakdown of the benefits and allowances. This directly violates the provisions of the new structure,’ says Israfil. Labour leaders, meanwhile, say, that 60 to 70 per cent of the factories do not release the pay slips to workers, which they are bound to according to labour laws.

During the period of violence, labour leaders and members of the government repeatedly reiterated that since such a large scale implementation was taking place at the same time, there were bound to be anomalies and confusion, and therefore specific allegations should be brought to the attention of the Labour Directorate or the BGMEA and BKMEA, to address the issue. Murshedy, time and again, described the incidents as ‘misunderstandings’, which can be resolved through negotiations. On December 13, Israfil Alam claimed to this correspondent, they were yet to receive a single formal complaint. And yet, hundreds of thousands of workers had taken to the streets during the week, expressing their discontent through rather medieval means.

‘Why would workers turn on the factories from which they earn their livelihood? The answers are very simple,’ says Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmed, assistant executive director of the Bangladesh Institute of Labour Studies.

‘It is a huge sector which employs nearly four million people and yet the workers have formal process in which to register their protests. When they have to say something, the owners don’t listen to them. If they protest, the owners shut down the factories. Not knowing where to go they take to the streets. In the streets, they are charged by policemen and they react violently,’ he adds.

According to labour leaders and analysts, the acts of violent reaction, taking to the streets, vandalism, will continue, until and unless the workers are allowed to form trade unions at the level of individual factories, to address their issues and grievances.

‘There are no places where they can take a formal complaint. Factories in Bangladesh don’t even have labour officer or floor stewards – elementary requirements for any factories,’ says Sultan.

‘Workers should have the right to bargain and the right to organise, according to clauses 87 and 98 of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention of which Bangladesh is a signatory,’ says Ratan. ‘Whenever such disputes arise, usually there is an absence of a representative to whom the government or owners can speak to,’ he adds.

‘However, owners have an allergy to unions. Whenever they try to organise, the workers involved are usually fired,’ says Ratan.

‘The owners have a negative attitude towards trade union rights. Forming unions is a fundamental right guaranteed by ILO,’ admits Israfil.

‘The government is an organised force, so is the BGMEA and BKMEA, who have been further strengthened with the introduction of industrial police,’ says MM Akash, professor of economics at the University of Dhaka. ‘The workers, meanwhile, at present, are represented by numerous organisations in a disorganized manner – some secretly loyal to owners, some to political parties, some to self-serving NGOs,’ he adds.

The factory owners across the country, including the members of the BGMEA, while in principle accepting the right to unions, rather openly discourage to formation of unions, citing over-simplistic examples of the fate of Adamjee Jute Mills and others.

‘Trade unions have been boon to the development of industry in the country. Look at what has happened in the past,’ says Siddiqur Rahman, Vice President (Finance) of the BGMEA. ‘You need signatures of 30 per cent of the workers and most of our workers don’t sign. They don’t like it,’ he adds.

‘There are about 115 to 120 factories in BGMEA that have unions, of which 90 have already shut down,’ says Siddiqur, reiterating his point.

Over the last few years, violence in factories across the country, on a number of occasions in renowned factories that apparently pay wages and maintain working conditions according to international standards, has become commonplace. On each and every occasion, owners and members of subsequent governments have repeatedly advocated conspiracy theories about the existence of outsiders in such violence, motivated by vested quarters who are keen to destroy the most powerful industry in Bangladesh.

‘It is our assumption that there may be vested quarters involved in such violence since Bangladesh has now become the second largest exporter of apparels in the world and we have many competitors in the region,’ says Israfil. ‘However, there are many players in this and not just outsiders, including owners themselves who have internal rivalries over contracts, there may be local political elements keen to destabilise the government as well as elements from the “jhoot business”, a huge industry in itself,’ he adds.

According to Kihak Sung, chairman of YoungOne, miscreants were responsible for the troubles at the factory on December 11. ‘A group of unidentified miscreants not belonging to YoungOne Group went on a rampage at seven places of our CEPZ installations. The miscreants came from outside and were highly organized,’ Sung was quoted as saying, adding that the outsiders agitated the workers by showing them a blood-stained paper, alleging that three workers had been killed.

Labour leaders, often accused of inciting violence by owners, meanwhile, admit to the presence of outside elements during protests, but say, it is not the primary motivator.

‘These theories have become their favourite scapegoat,’ says Ratan. ‘If they have specific allegations against us or anyone else, they should come out and prove it,’ he adds.

‘Once a movement starts of course there are going to be outside elements who jump the bandwagon, for example, jhoot businessmen who might be angry at a certain owner for awarding the contract to a rival group,’ says Mishu.

‘Who fired the shot at the policeman in Chittagong? Where did a worker get a gun?’ she asks.

Since July to November of the current fiscal year, the RMG export earnings in the country increased by 36 per cent to reach $6.4 billion, which is 77 per cent of the country’s entire export proceeds. According to some analysts, the industry can grow into double the size in the next three years.

However, according to a report released by International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) in July this year, Bangladeshi garment workers were the ‘world’s most poorly paid’ and that their exploitation was ‘on the rise’. Though, according to members of BGMEA, with the implementation of the new wage structure Bangladesh has eclipsed Cambodia as the world’s worst paid, labour exploitation remains a serious concern in the country.

While the new structure is significant improvement from the old ones, economic analysts rightly point out that in a situation of spiraling prices and rapidly-receding purchasing power capacity in the country, the structure is largely inadequate.

The biggest concern is however the absence of proper platforms where workers can express their rights. In the absence of trade unions, workers, often struggling with simple issues such as clarifications over wages or the misbehavior of representatives of the management and owners, often restore to violent means of protest.

While owners keep alleging that workers are represented by people who have little interest in the worker’s welfare, an allegation which can be deemed true as much of the labour leaders present in the meeting with BGMEA and the government on December 13 could not identify specific allegations of the workers, the owners resistance to unions blocks the way for workers to be properly represented.

While this incident, born mostly out of confusion - both on the part of owners and workers – as well as individual incidents of exploitation, may die down, the prospect of violence in the future is still very imminent.

‘The government should stop reacting to situations and develop preventive measures,’ says Ratan.

‘After the acts of vandalism in the CEPZ factories, a message has already been circulated globally that investment in Bangladesh is not safe at all,’ Sung was quoted as saying.

Such message cannot bode well for the industry, the owners, the workers, the government or the country.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has called upon all sections, especially the ulema (Islamic scholars) to build up a strong resistance against terrorism and militancy in order to establish peaceful Bangladesh. Reaffirming her government’s sustained drive against the social menace she said there is no room for terrorism and militancy in Islam. The Prime Minister’s call which may seem like a truism is as relevant as it is timely. This is a time when religious militancy and terrorism are becoming a global scourge and Bangladesh too is increasingly being caught in its vortex. Therefore all groups which are disposed towards peace, tolerance and harmony must build up a strong defence against these evils. But much more was expected from the ulema, since, commonly, the inspiration for militancy and terrorism flows from perverse religious teachings. In carrying out their violent missions the terrorists invoke the name of Islam! Thus the militants are not only guilty of undermining the peace but also desecrating the sacred image of Islam which is indisputably known to be a religion that ceaselessly strives to uphold peace, liberalism and humanism. A wrong teaching can only be exorcised by replacing it by spiritual enlightenment. As the Prime Minister said, we can build social resistance against the menace through spreading the messages of Islam. This is where the religious leaders have a key role to play.

Unfortunately, most among the ulema, including the imams of mosques are indifferent at best. Recently at a meeting of law and order committee of Narayanganj district speakers complained that the imams of the different mosques of the district are taking no position against militancy and some are even covertly endorsing militancy. This observation was made with reference to Narayanganj district but who can say that the reality in the other districts is radically different? At present Islam is being wrongly projected not only by the likes of Samuel Huntington but by a minuscule among the very votaries of the Islamic faith, due to whatever reason. Just as the imams and clerics should do more, the government too should not confine its response to verbal exhortations but take some concrete and institutional measures. What has the government done to promote the true and liberal doctrines of Islam? How many libraries, journals, research centres have been established? Does the government monitor what is taught in the Qaumi madrassahs or informal religious seminaries? We are not suggesting that all their teachings are wrong but the government must do its duty.

Transparency Inter-national Bangladesh (TIB) on Wednesday blamed the politicians and their growing involvement in businesses for the rising trend of corruption in the country’s private sector.

“The politicians are influencing the private sector to foster corruption,” said TIB Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman at a roundtable at the auditorium of Bangladesh Enterprise Institute in the capital.

“Fifty-two percent of the elected members of parliament (MPs) are directly linked with trade and commerce,” he added.

The TIB executive said 19 percent corruption was committed by the private sector which is leading the country’s impressive economic growth despite the global recession in the last two years.

After the last general elections, the Berlin-based corruption watchdog expected that the number of politician-turned-businessman or businessman-turned-politician would go down.

It, however, found that their number grew further as the private sector stood second after the state-owned police department scored first in the “Global Corruption Barometer” report.

The report, published on Thursday, is based on corruption perception surveys. It disclosed that 79 percent of respondents identified the police as the most corrupt sector.

Seventy-five percent of the participants said police were the highest bribe takers.

Additional Inspector General AKM Shahidul Haque, also president of Bangladesh Police Service Association, however, termed the report ‘suspicious and tendentious’.

Iftekharuzzaman pointed out that the growing involvement of politicians in trade and commerce should be blamed for the rising corruption in the private sector.

He told the roundtable styled ‘UN Global Compact Principle on Environment and Anti-Corruption’ that TIB found a link between corruption and politics after examining data on corruption between 2006 and 2009.

Only transparency could ensure a corruption-free private sector which is employing majority workforce in the country where unemployment is high and is seen as a serious social challenge, he said.

The TIB executive suggested that the state-owned Anti-Corruption Commission, taxmen and the regulatory bodies of financial organs should carefully monitor the activities of the private enterprises.

Critics and share market experts have already raised serious questions regarding the role of Bangladesh Bank and the Securities and Exchanges Commission against the backdrop of volatility in the share market.

There are allegations that a section of private-sector entrepreneurs in collusion with the lawmakers are manipulating the capital market in absence of proper monitoring, putting the marginalised investors at risk.

The World Health Organization established 1st December World AIDS Day in 1988. World AIDS Campaign has been the leading international organisation which plans and implements the observance of the day. The theme of this year was “Universal Access and Human Rights” World AIDS Day, is a day dedicated to commemorate those who have passed away and to raise awareness about AIDS and the global spread of the HIV virus. Global leaders have pledged to work towards universal access to HIV and AIDS treatment, prevention and care, recognising these as fundamental human rights. To highlight and underscore the importance of understanding HIV and AIDS from a human-rights perspective, the campaign slogans for World AIDS Day, 2010 are:

Access for all to HIV prevention treatment care and support is a critical part of human rights”.

The term AIDS stands for Acquired Immune Deficiency. It is a serious disease that weakens the body’s immune system, leaving it to fight off illness. The HIV virus,( the Human Immunodeficiency Virus) which eventually may lead to AIDS may be dormant in a human body for years. AIDS may not develop. AIDS is the last stage in a progression of diseases resulting from a viral infection of HIV Virus. The AIDS diseases include a number of unusual and severe infections, cancers, and debilitating illnesses, resulting in severe weight loss or wasting away and diseases affecting the brain and central nervous system. There is no cure for HIV infection or AIDS nor is there a vaccine to prevent HIV infection. However medications can not only slow the progression of the AIDS disease but also suppress the virus, thereby restoring the body’s immune function and permitting many HIV infected persons to lead normal, disease free life.

• Transmission of virus through blood or blood products, most often through the sharing of syringes and needles.

• Transmission of virus during pregnancy from infected mother to fetus. HIV virus cannot be transmitted from touching someone or sharing items, such as cups or through coughing or sneezing. However, sharing a razor does pose small risk in that blood from infected person can be transmitted from one person to another.

According to UNAIDS, two million people worldwide died of AIDS-related illnesses in 2008. By 2009, an estimated 33.4 million people around the world were living with HIV. Bangladesh & AIDS: Bangladesh Government, various NGOs and other entities observed the day. There were processions with banners in various parts of the country. Special supplements were published by leading daily newspapers on the day. Earlier a leading daily held a Roundtable on “Strategic Information and HIV Prevention among Adolescents” in which UN representatives including UN AIDS, UNFPA, Bangladeshi academics, doctors, representatives of NGOs, and ICDDRB spoke about how to prevent, treat the disease among adolescents. It is reported that prevalence of the virus is found among youths. At the age of puberty, youth goes through certain physical and psychological change and they do not know on how to cope with all the needs of sensitive information about the human reproductive cycle. Parents are too shy to discuss with them. Adolescents face the problem of generation gap between their teachers, parents and themselves. The adolescents’ behaviour, practice and lack of knowledge are the vulnerability factors for HIV virus. Furthermore, the local environment they live and the company they mix with make them vulnerable to the transmission of virus. There is a difference between urban and rural population. Majority of our population live in the rural areas and they have limited access to information about the virus and causes of transmission from person to person. The young people are exploited and abused both physically and mentally. In Bangladesh HIV virus is alarmingly increasing among the injecting drug users which according to a report, has already increased to 11% per cent in a neighbourhood in Dhaka city. The drug sellers have a huge lucrative business supported by criminal gangs. Bangladesh government reportedly disclosed that as of October 2010, with the new 343 cases, the total number of HIV virus infected persons is 2,088 in the country, out of which AIDS has developed to 850 individuals. So far 241 people died of AIDS-related diseases. HIV virus infected people suffer from social stigma because of ignorance and prejudice among the community in the country. Children are most vulnerable to the virus as there is reportedly no programme for the children. The vast majority of people with HIV virus are the lower and middle-income countries such as Bangladesh, Nepal, India, Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand. Bangladesh is a nation where almost 50% of the total population is below 25 years old. They may be engaging in HIV virus behaviour . The challenge is how to reach them with correct information and right services. Many experts have recommended that it is imperative to provide knowledge of transmission of HIV virus from the age of 11. Statistics show that the age of HIV-infected persons is between 18-24. Many of them are illiterate and poor. They live in remote areas. The challenge is how to reach them with information of HIV virus. This demographic picture poses a huge risk for Bangladesh unless issues of awareness of the HIV virus, of stigma and ignorance and the imperative to prevent transmission of HIV to the young people are central to the response to HIV/AIDS. Many suggested that in the curriculum of secondary schools, under health and hygiene, knowledge of HIV virus may be included. However the challenge is the persuasion of the conservative religious society permitting teachers to teach the chapter of human reproductive system. To have an active programme, young people needs to be involved in chalking out programmes of prevention, social stigma and ignorance. Private sector including NGOs may also help in the campaign of information to young people who are usually shy to ask for sensitive information.. World AIDS Day provides an opportunity for individuals, communities and governments and political parties to take action and ensure that transmission of HIV virus is prevented and thus human rights are rightly protected.

The volume of the reprint of the constitution, now with printer’s, will revive provisions of socialism and secularism and drop provisions that allow religion-based politics.

The reprint will revive the provisions empowering the government to enact any law for acquisition, nationalisation or requisition of any private property without compensation.

It will also revive the provisions to bring about changes in laws if they contain provisions for or have the effect of divesting the state of any property or of enhancing any compensation payable by the state, only by two-thirds of the total number of members of the parliament.

The original Article 10 of the constitution, which was substituted by the fifth amendment to the constitution, will, according to the

manuscript of the volume, be revived in the reprint, replacing the existing article.

The original article says, ‘A socialist economic system shall be established with a view to ensuring the attainment of a just and egalitarian society, free from the exploitation of man by man.’

The original Article 12, which was omitted by the fifth amendment, will be revived in the reprint.

It says, ‘The principle of secularism shall be realised by the elimination of — (a) communalism in all its forms; (b) the granting by the state of political status in favour of any religion; (c) the abuse of religion for political purposes; any discrimination against, or persecution of, persons practicing a particular religion.’

Article 2A of the existing constitution, inserted by the eighth amendment recognising Islam as the state religion will, however, be retained.

The existing Clause (20 of Article 25, inserted by the fifth amendment, will be omitted in the reprint of the constitution.

The existing clause says, ‘The state shall endeavour to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity.’

The proviso of Article 38, which was omitted by the fifth amendment, will be revived in the reprint.

It says, ‘Provided that no person shall have the right to form, or be a member or otherwise take part in the activities of, any communal or other association or union which in the name or on the basis of any religion has for its object, or pursues, a political purpose.’

The omission of Article 12 and the proviso of Article 38 by the fifth amendment had made the scope for forming and running political parties based on religion or in the name of religion.

The original Clause (2) of Article 42 will replace the existing Clause (2) and (3) in the reprint of the constitution, reviving the original provisions empowering the government to enact any law for acquisition, nationalisation or requisition of any private property without compensation.

The existing provisions do not allow the government to enact any law for acquisition, nationalisation or requisition of any private property without compensation.

The reprint of Clause (2) will read, ‘A law made under Clause (1) shall provide for the acquisition, nationalisation or requisition with or without compensation, and in a case where it provides for compensation shall fix the amount or specify the principles on which, and the manner in which, the compensation is to be assessed and paid; but no such law shall be called in question in any court on the ground that it does not provide for compensation or that any provision in respect of such compensation is not adequate.’

The existing Clause (2) and (3), substituted for the original Clause (2) by the fifth amendment, says, ‘(2) A law made under Clause (1) shall provide for the acquisition, nationalisation or requisition with compensation and shall either fix the amount of compensation or specify the principles on which, and the manner in which, the compensation is to be assessed and paid; but no such law shall be called in question in any court on the ground that any provision in respect of such compensation is not adequate.

‘(3) Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any law made before the commencement of the Proclamations (Amendment) Order, 1977 (Proclamations Order No. I of 1977), in so far as it relates to the acquisition, nationalisation or requisition of any property without compensation.’

The existing Article 44, substituted by the fifth amendment, will be retained in the reprint.

It reads: ‘(1) The right to move the High Court Division, in accordance with clause (I) of Article 102, for the enforcement of the rights conferred by this part, is guaranteed.

‘(2) Without prejudice to the powers of the High Court Division under Article 102, Parliament may by law empower any other court, within the local limits of its jurisdiction, to exercise all or any of those powers.’

The original Article 44 had said, ‘(1) The right to move the Supreme Court, in accordance with Clause (I) of Article 102, for the enforcement of the rights conferred by this Part, is guaranteed.

‘(2) Without prejudice to the powers of the Supreme Court under Article 102, Parliament may by law empower any other court, within the local limits of its jurisdiction, to exercise all or any of those powers.’

The original article was substituted by Article 44 by the fourth amendment to the constitution that said, ‘Parliament may by law establish a constitutional court, tribunal or commission for the enforcement of fundamental rights.’

Article 47(2) says, ‘Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution the laws specified in the First Schedule (including any amendment of any such law) shall continue to have full force and effect, and no provision of any such law, nor anything done or omitted to be done under the authority of such law, shall be deemed void or unlawful on the ground of inconsistency with, or repugnance to, any provision of this Constitution;’

In the reprint, original proviso of Article 47(2) will substitute the existing proviso.

The reprint of the proviso reads, ‘Provided that nothing in this article shall prevent the modification or repeal of any such law or provision by Act of Parliament, but no Bill for such an Act, if it contains provision for or has the effect of divesting the State of any property, or of enhancing any compensation payable by the State, shall be presented to the President for assent unless it is passed by the votes of not less than two-thirds of the total number of members of Parliament.’

The existing proviso, substituted by the fifth amendment, says, ‘Provided that nothing in this article shall prevent amendment, modification or repeal of any such law.’

US diplomats have repeatedly put pressure on Bangladesh government to reopen the controversial Phulbari coal mine, which was closed following a violent protest.

In a latest WikiLeaks release, a diplomatic US cable shows that US ambassador to Bangladesh James Moriarty held talks with the country's chief energy advisor last year.

In that discussion, Moriarty urged chief energy advisor Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury to approve plans by the British company Global Coal Management (GCM) to begin open-cast coal mining in the country's Phulbari area, west off Bangladesh, The Guardian newspaper reported.

On 26 Aug 2006, three boys, 'Salekin', 20, 'Tariqul', 21, and 'Amin', 13, were killed and more than 200 people injured in Phulbari when law enforcers fired shots on a peaceful demonstration protesting the open-pit mining proposed by the UK-based Asia Energy.

All children or born pure, it's how we treat them or behave with them that will alter their attitude towards us. For 2011, I appeal to all errant 'teachers' to mend their ways and for all teachers to embrace the anti-corporal punishment law, restore the dignity, pride and respect to the profession and students alike, and teach by example, writes Md Musa Azad

HEADING towards the end of the year is always the time when teachers look back at the school year and reflect upon events of importance in their minds. The heartaches, sadness, gladness, tears, successes, failures - and the endless humanly mixtures possible that come in all sizes. The most significant and magnificent change to the education system in Bangladesh this year, undoubtedly, has been the abolishment of corporal punishment.

I applaud Sir Frank Peters on the success of his campaign to have corporal punishment abolished in schools. He has become a national hero to the teachers like me - the silent minority - who regard corporal punishment degrading and demoralising and without any worthwhile purpose in the teaching profession.

In my 35 years as a teacher, not once did I ever use corporal punishment to communicate my disappointment to a pupil, it's just not necessary. Every child is born with a sense of what's right and what's wrong. Sometimes it's simply only matter of a little patience, pointing out the difference to the child, just as a teacher would when describing the difference between a verb and an adverb.

I've spent many of my teaching years working alongside 'teachers' who not only abused and humiliated the children, but also demoralised teachers like me. Yes, I spoke out

many times over the years against such unacceptable behaviour, but when you are in a minority, your voice is without sound.

As Sir Frank had vehemently pointed out, a child's developing hand is particularly vulnerable because its tendon, ligaments, nerves and blood vessels are close to the skin. Striking a hand with a stick can cause deformity, fractures, dislocation, impaired function and lead to osteoarthritis in later years when the actual act of punishment is long forgotten.

Corporal punishment is wrong. There are no explanations or excuses to justify it. Simply, it is no way for any adult to behave towards a minor. Although there are now laws against it, I fear some teachers (including some I know) will have to be severely punished or jailed before they stop their heinous, barbarous acts.

There's a saying that has stood the test of time - 'as you sow, so shall you reap'. All children or born pure, it's how we treat them or behave with them that will alter their attitude towards us. For 2011, I appeal to all errant 'teachers' to mend their ways and for all teachers to embrace the anti-corporal punishment law, restore the dignity, pride and respect to the profession and students alike, and teach by example.

Thirty kilometers north-east of Dhaka, the Savar Exporting Processing Zone (EPZ) industrial area in Gazipur district is a buzzing factory hub with tens of thousands of migrant workers producing goods for export. Many Christian workers have found jobs in the area and settled there either alone or with families.

EPZ authorities and factory owners restrict the services that the local Catholic Church is able to offer. Nevertheless, in 2008 Italian missioners from Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions (PIME) succeeded in establishing the “Center for Jesus’ Workers” at Jirani Bazar, Gazipur.

Center director PIME Father Luca Galimberti recently spoke to ucanews.com about his mission.

Hundreds of Christians work in various mills and factories in the area. As strangers in the city most of them feel like fish out of water. Many job seekers fail to find employment. As a result, they sometimes get involved in anti-social activities.

Others start leading an immoral life. They look for pre-marital sex or get involved with drugs. They have few opportunities to pray, they stop going to church and live isolated lives.

PIME missioners have been trying to boost Church ministries for these workers. We have tried to gather them into a network of mutual aid and sharing. Many Christian migrant workers come to our center to pray and also for counseling. We have three PIME nuns available to take care of them at all times.

The first major problem for new workers is to find a place to live. We currently offer a 15-bed boarding facility but we are now also constructing hostels for up to 30 men and 40 women.

We also have a plan to open schools here for people from all faiths. Education is a must for their development and improvement.

The local environment and their workplaces are noisy and polluted. The nearby river water has turned black and yellow from constant dumping of industrial waste. Many workers suffer from hearing problems and battle water-borne diseases including typhoid, hepatitis and dysentery.

People often gets desperately lonely. Some start to ‘live together’ without getting married in the Church.

Spending is also a challenge for many who misuse their money on liquor, women and luxury.

Workers don’t know the labor laws and can’t protest when deprived of lawful pay and rights. Sometimes they are forced to work overtime without pay. Most of the garment factories don’t pay according to the government scale.

Most workers have no entertainment opportunities let alone time for religious activities. They can’t go to Sunday mass even if they want to.

Over ten years we have managed to create a Small Christian Community among the workers. Even before we set up the center they started attending Mass here on Friday and on holidays. They also come for confession regularly.

Before the center was set up I used to go door to door to visit the people and listen to them. Sometimes we held a meeting together. Then we finally established the center in 2008.

It has become their home by now. The workers come for Mass and prayers. They can have their entertainment with indoor and outdoor games facilities. They cook their meals and share with each other.

During the Eid-ul-Fitr holidays we went for a delightful picnic with 200 people. Entertainment helps the workers to overcome the monotony of their day to day work.

Many times I advised them to plan their spending. Now they have grown into the habit of savings. When they need money they can use it.

After work or on weekends, the workers come to meet me. We pray and meditate together. They also attend classes on the Bible, healthcare, laws and morality.

We try to implant the idea of expressing their unique identity as Christians. This is very important for them because once they forget they are Christians they no longer attend Mass.

As mutual communication grows, the workers help one another to find good jobs and look after their needs.

They no longer feel so alone during adverse situations. They share with each other when they are treated badly. We connect them with other folks to find a better way or another place to work.

The Church needs to listen to the workers and help them to put aside the pain and sufferings of their isolated life.

THE recent furore about Grameen Bank, Yunus and microcredit may not leave us knowing more about the topics but we certainly can know more about ourselves through our reactions. The debate is not restricted to facts and figures but comments and opinions often exposing our prejudices and anxieties. Instant media has also led to creation of an unusual situation where each report, all negative, helped opinion formation rather than knowledge. It is obvious that we are uncomfortable with our success and also our failures. We would rather condemn or praise rather than know what we do and why.

THE 'Grameengate' as some have called it was inaugurated by a Norwegian documentary arguing that money had been siphoned off by Yunus to another account. Before the proverbial ink could dry, most had assumed that here was the proof everyone was waiting for, which is that the Grameen Bank was all about personal wealth making like other banks in Bangladesh. And since a Westerner had done it, this was irrefutable evidence for all to see. Among the chorus was the voice of the prime minister of Bangladesh, not famous for being facts based while adding her two cents that no 'blood sucker of the poor' would be allowed to go free. Her words were based on hearsay and since nothing has been proven, sounded like prejudice. Many anti-Hasina critics say that Hasina had been miffed with Grameen and Yunus for long because whenever she goes on a visit abroad, people praise Yunus but no one bothers about her. Whether true or not, her words certainly were unbecoming a prime minister and it was judgemental before the judgement had even been passed.

Some say Hasina's real rage was because Yunus tried to field a party at a time when others were not free to do so. Moreover, Yunus tried to gather support from the Bangladesh National Party whether due to expediency or choice. All these may be true but that in no way makes Hasina and her assistants any more seemly as far as reactions are concerned. Of course, many are quite willing to allow the BNP and the Awami League, all the rights to do politics and make deals at any given time as well as partner anyone for their own convenience but we are far more willing to forgive politicians for all that they do and Yunus being a would-be-politician-who-failed doesn't really qualify.

The BNP supported Yunus because Hasina wasn't doing so - the value and legitimacy of that support is also meaningless. And if Yunus had sought BNP support and Hasina reacted to that, it makes her position even less fortunate for this very serious issue has become a petty tit-for-tat affair of Bangladesh's political tribalism.

AT NO time was Yunus accused of personal corruption and the affected donors have clarified this point. The documentary though criticised by many for its anti-Grameen bias however raises certain points about procedure. They are about accounting procedures and funds shifting from one account to another account all within the Grameen family. The Grameen Bank has said that such actions were valid and that they were taken in the interest of the Grameen Bank operations and the poor. That accusation is now under investigation. This action may have violated agreements with the donor or even standard practices of fund management but that's another matter and has nothing to do with the image of a 'blood sucker of the poor' as many are trying to depict Yunus/Grameen Bank as.

Finance Minister Muhith did a major task by going public with a statement about the issue saying that it was not a crime and if there was an agreement about transfer, it was quite normal. His voice slowed the screeching train of anti-Grameen hysteria and facilitated the environment where investigations took precedence over instant judgement.

IS THE baying for blood against the Grameen Bank or Yunus or microcredit? Criticism against one has been used against the other. Media has been deluged with anti-Grameen Bank tirade which mixes all three to make a case against all three. While Yunus is criticised for fund (mis)management, the judgement comes out against microcredit. It is confusing but tells a story about our perceptions of the crisis. Covering microcredit as a journalist for much over a decade, I think the problem with it is how we perceive credit for the poor and what we think are poverty solutions.

Microcredit has been sold as a miracle solution by most development agencies including the Grameen Bank instead of what it really is - a simple loan system. So microcredit has raised a lot of expectations, many unreal. Many think that once credit is introduced, poverty will be gone which is not a fact as several other conditions are required for that. It simply lends money to a rural entrepreneur who is part of a group and cannot access commercial bank credit.

The Grameen Bank is not just a successful lender but also a genius in public relations. Microcredit produced a lot of publicity and Yunus as an excellent advocate effectively used media to sell the idea. In the process, the Grameen Bank and Yunus gathered a lot of mystique and myth but in the process, it became a 'solution' rather than a loan system for the poor based on group dynamics and collateral free delivery.

Responsibility for the media crisis today must be shared by the aggressive pitching of 'the dream' and the inevitable consequences of the shortcomings of a dream when exposed. Yunus obviously overplayed that sales pitch.

IN BANGLADESH, there is no effective national system of poverty alleviation. In the absence of that, microcredit has assumed that role though this is not what it is. Microcredit is a small loan model which serves the poor, who already have enough income from another source and can afford to take a loan for supplementary economic activities. It is for those who wish to protect their economic status and prevent dropping into more poverty to a level below. It is not for those who have nothing but for those who have something and want some more. As they have to start repaying within the first months after taking the loan from their savings, pre-loan income is a must. So microcredit operations assume some degree of 'prosperity' of the borrower to start with.

Microcredit's great success is that it has reached far greater number of people with bank services than any other including the government. Rest need qualification.

ONE issue that has emerged about microcredit is that of loan recovery and the attendant human rights violation. Such claims are made against every bank that tries to recover loans but since microcredit deals with the poor it has become a major matter. Obviously, this must be an issue and it is imperative to find out how widespread this problem is and what is the percentage of the borrowers affected by such methods. If this is so, it must be addressed and dealt with and this is the responsibility of the Grameen Bank and a review agency but again must be evidence-based and proportionate to the problem. It seems that there are both incidental and systemic issues involved and should be handled accordingly.

There are millions of borrowers and their problems should be treated as a matter of repairing systems rather than targeting a borrowing system.

INTEREST rates, payment schedule and a host of other issues affect microcredit but they are serious matters affecting a major tool to support poverty alleviation. It has nothing to do with 'sucking the poor and making oneself rich with donor money'. Microcredit is a globally established assistance tool in exiting poverty and has its own systemic and structural problems that need to be looked at without any hype or cynicism.

WHEN the Grameen Bank began operations, one of the major critics of microcredit was the World Bank who believed that collateral-free, unsecured loans to the poor could never work but it largely has. Since that critical phase, the Grameen Bank has gone ahead and no serious attention has been paid to the systemic oversights that exist and scrutiny is necessary for effective functioning.

Its supporters have spent time praising the Grameen Bank and microcredit but not put enough pressure to improve its delivery mechanism. The Grameen Bank has also used the hype to turn microcredit into a 'miracle' selling it to many other parts of the world.

But miracles are without flaws but the Grameen Bank or microcredit isn't so naturally. If Yunus is guilty of anything, that is in peddling a loan system for the poor as a solution to poverty. Poverty alleviation is a much more complex process and requires a host of factors to contribute to do that and simple loans cannot achieve exit from poverty. The national economy has to grow bigger and systems must be receptive to upward mobility of the poor which is frankly not the case in Bangladesh. Our governments have rarely shown the skills and political will necessary to achieve poverty alleviation. If anything, NGO-driven loan programmes are results of the government's lack of interest and capacity to address poverty issues.

SEVERAL types of people are attacking the Grameen Bank and for different reasons.

Many people are uncomfortable with the idea of credit delivery to the poor due to the historical experience of poverty in rural Bengal for long and its lack of track record as a poverty alleviating tool. They generally fall back on the British period experience.

The interest rate is considered high by many as it includes both costs for lending and maintaining an intensively monitored loan mechanism. Much of the discomfort with microcredit comes from this cause.

Politicians led by Hasina have attacked because of their own perceived lack of importance in world opinion compared to Yunus and it is probably more envy generated than anything else. Not having done much to alleviate poverty, they are critical of a loan system.

Marxists and mullahs have attacked the Grameen Bank because it goes against their belief structure and any solution that includes profit and credit is haram to both. 'Microcredit' is capitalistic but is uncomfortably successful compared to the economic systems advocated by both groups.

Some people are quite simply, uncomfortable with Yunus' success and have taken it out. Most are quite unfamiliar with the loan system but have criticised so one must assume a level or animosity not explained by reason.

MICROCREDIT is neither a miracle nor a monster but a simple loan system. It existed before the Grameen Bank operations began and neither is the Grameen Bank the largest supplier of credit. In fact, both BRAC and ASA are as big but they run their operations in a low-key manner but the Grameen Bank is getting the flak as it has always been in media and used it to promote its objectives instead of spending quality time in educating media about the system.

Media focus on Grameen activity however doesn't hide a conspiracy but even if it did, it doesn't matter because people have the right to be informed even if that information needs qualification and is perhaps less than complete.

The crisis today was unavoidable but one should use this as an opportunity to look at poverty alleviation as a whole and the role of microcredit and its operational character. There is a tendency in all quarters to praise or trash far too easily which is what we in media usually do. That needs some repair.

Located in Rangamati, Moanoghar, the largest residential school for the ethnic communities is struggling to continue its efforts of promoting peace and development through education

Nation Chakma, a student of Rangamati College, comes from a remote hill of Rangamati in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. “It takes about two days to travel from my house to Rangamati town. From the town you first have to take a bus then cross a river by a boat and lastly a four-hour climb up the hills,” says Nation. Having lost his father at an early age, it became almost impossible for him to continue education after the primary level.

The classrooms are scattered up and down the hills of the school compound.
Photo: Illora Sharmeen

“There is no secondary school at our locality and traveling to the town daily from that place is almost impossible. Besides, I did not even have the money to pay my school fees,” he adds.

When Nation, who dreams of becoming a banker some day, was on the verge of dropping out, Moanoghar saved his day. “I took admission at Moanoghar at class-six,” Nation says, “The school was not only free but also provided free accommodation and food. Even after I have joined college they have allowed me to stay at the school hostel so that I can continue my education at Rangamati College from here.” Besides, free food and accommodation, Nation, along with eight of his batch-mates, receives a travel allowance for attending classes in the college in return for tutoring the junior students of the school and helping in maintaining the school facilities.

Like Nation, Moanoghar has brought the light of education to thousands of ethnic children from the three hill districts of Chittagong – Rangamati, Khagrachari and Bandarban. Buddha Datta Vante, joint secretary of Moanoghar's executive committee says, “Those who come to Moanoghar usually live in remote areas of the three hill districts like Thanchi and Ruma, where there are no schools and classes cannot be held during the rainy season. You would find children from almost 10-11 ethnic communities here – Chakma, Marma, Khiyang, Tripura, Khumi, Luchai, Bong, Santal and even Monipuris from the hills of Sylhet.”

Moanoghar started off in 1974 as an orphanage for children who had lost their parents during the Liberation War of Bangladesh. “There was a Birangana camp at the place where the Rangamati Orphanage now stands. From our temple we could hear the cries of helpless women and children who had been tortured by the military.

We were SSC (Secondary School Certificate) examinees at that time – Bimal and Praggananda and I. We began to think that something must be done to help these children,” says Ssraddha Lankar Mahathero, one of the three founders of Moanoghar, which is situated in the Rangapani area of Rangamati. He says that besides the orphans of the War, there was an army of vulnerable children among the ethnic communities of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, whose parents had lost their home and occupation because of the construction of Kaptai Dam and the settlement of Bengalis in the Hill districts.

Consequently, the three young Buddhist monks began to plan the opening of a school for the orphans, war-children and underprivileged children of the hill districts. “The temporary shaft that hill people build in their fields on the hills to store the harvest of vegetables cultivated along with rice is called Moanoghar. They use it for six months and after harvest they go back to their villages with the crops for the next six months. In line with this concept, we named our school Moanoghar, where children will come and cultivate their minds through general as well as technical education and go back to their homes or workplace with the light of knowledge,” Mahathero says.

When they started, the Buddhist monks received donations from the locals in the form of land, musti (alms) and voluntary work but as the number of children grew from the initial 30, it became almost impossible to run the school on alms. Help came from a French humanitarian organisation named Partage in 1982-83 that provided fund to build the necessary infrastructures and acquire more land in Rangapani.

Most of the residential students come from the hinterlands of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Photos: Illora Sharmeen

Bishakha Bhaban – the only girl's hostel housing 189 girls from class two to class ten.
Photos: Illora Sharmeen

Later, when Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affair was formed after the Peace Accord of 1997, Partage stopped funding as the ministry took over some of the financial responsibilities of the school. However, during the caretaker government regime, the fund was temporarily stopped. With the student population exceeding 1000, fifty percent of who are residential, the school began to face dire financial crisis. “From 2008, we began to take fees from a portion of the students who could afford it. At that time, Rotary Foundation, through the Rotary Club of Karwan Bazaar came with a 3-year-long scholarship programme 'Promotion of Secondary Level Education Among Minorities', sponsoring 50 students from class eight to secondary school level,” Buddha says.

Lily Dewan, one of the three full-time hostel-supers of Bishakha Bhaban, the only girl's hostel that houses 189 girls informs,“Orphans are now admitted only if a sponsor can be found. The imposition of fees is affecting the drop-out rate and admission rate as many cannot even afford the nominal fee of Tk 1800 a year that the school now charges.”

“At present the school receives Tk 1 lac grant from the Social Welfare Ministry but it is not enough to cover even the daily meals of the 500 residential students or the salary of the 80 full time staff of the school,” says Buddha.

“The quality of food is very poor and the menu is without variation–rice, lentil and vegetable with perhaps a meat dish once a month,” admits Buddha, who claims that Moanoghar cannot afford to improve the current diet under their present fund. “The 12 boy's hostel and 1 girl's hostel are in dilapidated condition. We cannot even provide bed to all the residential students,” he adds.Rotarian Ahmed Farooquee, ex-president and project coordinator of the scholarship programme, thinks that providing support to a school like Moanoghar is very important to promote peace and development in the hinterlands of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. “The ethnic communities do not have adequate opportunities to pursue mid-level education. Moanoghar being a residential school can attract different ethnic groups from distant areas,” he says.

Tucked in the lush green hills of Rangamati, Moanoghar has all the possibilities to become a prestigious educational institution with its acres of land, intelligent and committed staff, support of the local community and above all promising students. All it needs is proper funding and a strong professional management to run the facilities and continue its task of kindling the light of knowledge among ethnic tribal communities of Bangladesh.

I am having a tough time convincing a friend in United States about Bangladesh's LDC status. He thinks Bangladesh is equal to India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, however these nations do not belong to LDC group. He takes me to a US diplomat who has worked in India, China, Bangladesh and Latin America. He thinks that Bangladesh, because it competes with India, China and Vietnam (all developing countries, if not developed) in apparel exports, is not an LDC, not to talk about its strong macro and social fundamentals despite the recent global meltdown and impact on its peers.

I would humbly give my take on the re-kindled controversy on whether the LDC status is a blessing or a curse for Bangladesh. Should we thrive for economic growth by taking advantage of the LDC status and passively try to be on the list? Or should we aggressively pitch for graduation in the upcoming fourth UN LDC Conference in 2011?

The UN has several forms of aid for LDCs under aid architecture. The interest rate is relatively low and the tenure is longer, so that the LDC can use the money for development. The problem is that we are not able to use this fund for development. The government can ensure the proper utilisation of these long-term funds by planned decision-making and long-term planning. But we see that implementation of the annual development plan is not speedy at all.

Besides, there are several conditions attached with these loans. But, while implementing these conditions through political decision-making, the bigger picture is ignored. This in turn narrows the path of development rather than widening it. As such, being marked as one of the "weakest and poorest" nations for the sake of these funds does not help us. Inefficient implementation blurs our status as a fourth world country!

The main logic behind keeping Bangladesh as an LDC is possible duty-free access to US markets. This has become like a golden deer we are chasing. True, we are getting Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) in RMG/textile trade from UK as an LDC. But Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Vietnam are getting many privileges from US, UK and other developed countries in case of international trade without being LDC.

While we are not able to reap the benefits of the "least developed" seal, we are facing the downside. The biggest problem is the image. It is the image that made it possible for a country like Ghana, which has every reason to be an LDC, keep its identity card clean from this sympathetic seal.

On the other hand, when international media cover Bangladesh, we are more worried than wooed. Because, whenever the name of Bangladesh is uttered it is followed by a tear-inducing story of an unskilled population defeated by natural calamities, an unbelieving level of corruption and pervasive poverty. All these adjectives are associated with the least developed countries of Africa. This perception of the outside world has positioned us in the same row with the trouble-stricken countries of Africa, not with similar/competing countries like Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Vietnam.

At the current 6% total GNI growth rate, it will take Bangladesh about 10 years to exceed $1,086 on 3-year average basis from the current $750+ level. The obvious way to drive the GNI per capita higher is to push the total GNI growth (numerator) upward and push the population growth (denominator) downward.

Nutrition, health, education, adult literacy rate are the major components of HDI. I reiterate that human capital is our most critical resource. Instead of being embarrassed with the 16 crore people hustling and bustling in an area of 143,998 square kilometers, we should shift our focus to the working age population (15-64 years), which is 63% of our total population.

If we educate them and convert into literate, semi-skilled and skilled resources, and export them to labour-hungry countries, it will have a multi-faceted effect. Unemployment rate will go down, their income will be added in the GNI figure, they will bring in more foreign exchange than they would have earned in the local market in BDT, and remittance will grow. This one strategy will positively impact the GNI and HDI criteria.

A mental barrier or guilt conscience sometimes works when migrating to another country. We have come out of this "brain drain" fear for the time being. A person becomes unpatriotic in the eyes of his relatives just because he refuses to stay unemployed in his hometown. Maybe he is better off using his skills in another country and doing advocacy for his home country.

We need voices that will speak for Bangladesh in the international forums, and who can do that job better than this expatriate workforce? Reverse brain drain will take place automatically, as seen in case of India, but you cannot blackmail a talented person to compromise his global career with a noble emotion like patriotism.

If we want to export workers for mutual benefit, it is our moral duty to ensure the minimum nutrition and health of their children and spouses living in Bangladeshi villages and receiving the remittances.

EVI is based on 7 indicators -- population size, remoteness, merchandise export concentration, share of agriculture, forestry and fisheries in GDP, homelessness due to natural disasters, instability of agricultural production, instability of exports of goods and services.

As we can see, controlling population impacts all 3 criteria as it increases the GNI per capita, makes managing the HDI factors easier and directly impacts the EVI. Bangladesh is one of the 12 countries that achieved exports growth last year. In the long-term, we need to keep up the growth momentum of RMG, but we also need to diversify the exports proceeds in terms of both markets and products. Domestic and foreign investments are showing double-digit growth.

To the outside world, Bangladesh is one of the 49 LDCs as per the UN, which is enough for an investor to form an impression. Trust me; no investor has the time to delve into the matter if we ourselves are too busy collecting donations. We cannot draw a rosy picture of our economic prosperity to the outside investors, and at the same time ask for help as a weak nation. We have got to choose our strategy, which should be to fight rather than beg. I am all in for fighting a battle and being defeated gracefully rather than live on the sympathy of the opponent.

While Ghana declined to be in the list in early 1990s, Botswana was the first country to graduate from LDC status in 1994. Cape Verde is the second country to graduate in 2007 and countries like Samoa, Maldives and Equatorial Guinea are said to be in the queue. Bangladesh may be the fifth or sixth lucky nation to carve its way out of the LDC label if the public sector and the private sector sit together to formulate a very specific, quantitative, measurable and time-bound strategy.

The exit should also influence the concerned authorities to undertake more structural reforms to facilitate the private sector to be more competitive with other developing countries, which has to happen. Good Luck my beloved, Bangladesh!

In 2001, the median age of Bangladesh population was about 18 years. From 1951, the death rate started declining but with little effect on birth rate. The population increased from 40.21 million in 1951, 89.9 million in 1981,109.9 million in 1991and 130.5 million in 2001. As the second phase of the theory of demographic transition has been passing through the composition of census data of 1974, 1981, 1991 and 2001 respectively, show the "baby boom" generation and slight edge of the population in the old ages.

In the context of the present characteristics of young population, the rapid population growth accompanied with the ageing of population has its impact on bio-social and socio-economic aspects of the population. The high population growth rate of Bangladesh is caused not only by current or high past fertility but also by the "momentum" created by the high fertility and falling mortality in the past five decades.

Past high fertility and falling mortality mean that women currently entering the child-bearing age group constitute a large proportion of the total female population, and this proportion will continue to increase in this mid-century.

In Bangladesh, the next generation of adult women will outnumber the previous one. Thus, even if the number of births per woman declines rapidly, the birth rates may stay high and the total number of births may be greater than before. Consequently, the growth rate may remain virtually unchanged. The reasons for this may perhaps be found in the changes that occurred during the previous decades in the age-sex distribution, which were highly unfavourable to a decline in the birth rate.

In Bangladesh, the potential exists for a second-generation "baby boom" resulting from this changing age structure. Unless compensated for by a rapid fall in the fertility of younger married women, who should be reached by more effective family planning programmes and benefited by other associated socio-economic improvements, birth rates and population growth rates are unlikely to fall. In considering the future policy direction for fertility regulation, it is important to take note of this emerging phenomenon.

During the transition from high to low fertility in Bangladesh, an unprecedented proportion of the population will be between the age 15 and 64 years, which are roughly the working ages. The working-age population will increase at a rate considerably higher than that of the total population, and initially the larger increments in absolute terms will be to the younger half the working ages. The rapid increase in the population in the younger working ages between 2010 and 2020 will pose a serious challenge to Bangladesh to generate sufficient employment opportunities.

In the coming several decades, however, the age structure in Bangladesh will be specially conducive to sustained social and economic development. Between the years 2010 and 2020, the dependency ratio will be low and the number persons for labour-force age will comprise a high proportion of the total population but will be expanding only slowly. The country trends cited above will vary somewhat, depending on her current level of fertility.

In Bangladesh, practically, there will be an increase in the proportion of the population in the higher age group (65 years and older). Despite such increase, this proportion will remain relatively small. The rapidly escalating numbers of elderly people and their increasing share in the population of the country have given rise to a number of considerations which have numerous implications for policy formulation.

Social and economic trends in the country suggest the possibility that parents will not be able to assume that their children will be in a position to care for them in their old age. In some rural areas, the migration of young adults to the cities raises questions about the care which elderly in the villages can expect. Public housing policies should take cognisance of the need to encourage three-and four-generation households. Policy makers should also consider the kinds of support required by the elderly who are living alone, or by families caring for elderly members, if the alternative of building old-age homes is to be avoided.

Appropriate retirement or employee provident fund schemes should be contemplated to ensure that a growing proportion of workers have a measure of income security when they leave work. Voluntary and charitable agencies should be encouraged to play an important role in caring for the aged. Such activities can be fostered by the government in providing financial and other support to the agencies so as to achieve greater results.

It is safe to assume that future fertility decline will not be as rapid as it was in the last decade. The overall growth of the population as well as the size and proportion of women of child-bearing age and the labour force and dependent age population will be greatly affected by the changing structure.

It is important to note the change in the absolute size of this population because it has many important implications for development and population welfare programmes. This, therefore, calls for a strengthening of the existing national family planning programme in terms of both quality and quantity to tackle the impending "baby boom" and to enable further reduction in population growth rates.

Similarly, the faster growth of labour-force in the coming years of this century will require long-term perspective planning for necessary adjustment in manpower planning as well as the economy in general. Changes in age structure would also imply changes in consumption patterns and level of saving and investment. Therefore, planning for production, consumption, investment, distribution and so forth should reflect the changes in age structure.

In Bangladesh population age-structure problems remain a priority concern though they have made marked progress in slowing birth rates, but are still grappling with a variety of complex population issues. The situation is disturbingly stagnant in Bangladesh, where population increases regularly block gains in per capita income and defer many needed improvements in the quality of life.

Between now and 2025, the country will witness its maximum population growth. Such growth threatens severe implications not only in the alleviation of poverty but also in such matters as food supplies, employment, housing, health care, forests and other natural resources, and the environment.

Urban congestion, overtaxed infrastructure, pollution and proliferating slums squatter areas have already become serious concerns in Bangladesh, and an expected doubling in the size of large cities in the near future could produce explosive situations. Moreover, the struggle to cope with sheer quantities may divert crucial attention from the larger need to shape a more sustainable future for making.

In conclusion, we can say that no matter what we do, the population will continue to increase over the 40 years, that with tomorrow's mother already born, even major fall in family size would mean that many more babies would be born in the following generation than the present one. As such, the age-structure of population is an important field for policy planning and policy implementers to study

THAT three Indian companies, which were awarded contracts for printing textbooks for class I, II and III, have managed to deliver only 43 per cent of nearly 3 crore textbooks, with just over a week to go before the new academic year begins, debunks the government's claim that involvement of international (read Indian) printing houses would ensure printing and distribution of primary textbooks on time. According to a report front-paged in New Age on Wednesday, the National Curriculum and Textbook Board has so far received 1.98 crore of the 2.98 crore textbooks printed in India. While the Indian companies missed its second deadline, the local printers have delivered most of the books that they printed - so much for the government's rationale for floating an international tender and awarding the lion's share of the contracts to Indian companies.

When the Awami League-led government broached the idea of floating an international tender for printing class I, II and III textbooks, quite a few eyebrows were raised. Then, when three Indian companies roped in contracts for some 80 per cent of the textbooks, the scepticism made way for suspicion. The government's apparent panache for entering into agreements that by and large benefit India more than they do Bangladesh only reinforced the suspicion. Yet, people were ready to give the government the benefit of the doubt in the hope that the involvement of the Indian companies could finally lead to timely printing and distribution of textbooks; after all, delay in printing and distribution of textbooks has over the years become an annual woe for students, teachers and guardians.

Local printers did raise a clamour over the government's decision to award contracts to the Indian companies; however, their objection was by and large interpreted as an outpouring of grudge over loss of business. As it turns out, they were right and the government was wrong. Disquietingly still, a local printer has alleged that the Indian companies 'do not have the capacity to print such large amount of books but some NCTB officials helped them to win the tenders for bribes.' The repeated failures of the Indian companies to meet the deadline tend to lend credence to the allegation. Moreover, the president of the Bangladesh Textbook Printing and Marketing Association has claimed that two of the three companies 'who got the international tenders are not printers.' Overall, as the association president has suggested, a government enquiry into the entire tender process may be in order.

Regrettably, however, the textbook board and the government have thus far sought to defend the Indian companies, with the NCTB chairman even floating in the air the question 'what can we do if the truck carrying textbooks are struck in a traffic jam?' His question, needless to say, appears as inconsequential as his optimism that the 'international tendered textbooks would reach the country very shortly.'

Be that as it may, the debacle, we hope, will teach the government a valuable lesson - there are areas where it needs to have full control and education is one of them. As it turns out, outsourcing printing of textbooks to Indian companies was a mistake in the first place. In any case, the government needs to do damage control and try to minimise the delay in distribution of textbooks as much as possible. Meanwhile, it needs to make the Indian companies pay the demurrage for their repeated failures to meet the deadline. Otherwise, the suspicion that the government is willing to go out of its way and ensure benefit for anything Indian would only get further reinforced in the public mind.

Thousands of poor people lose their homes to real estate development and plantation farming.

In today's Cambodia, the authorities favour large-scale urban development and sugar and rubber plantations. Companies are granted long-term leases to land taken from poor urban dwellers or farmers. Since 2009, more than 27,000 people have been evicted but public protest is being organised.

Lake Boeung Kak residents have abandoned their wooden homes because water levels in the lake have risen, covering everything in mud. What was once a delightful tourist attraction has now become a sea of unwholesome mud.

Until recently, Lake Boeung Kak was one of the few remaining open spaces near Phnom Penh. It was home to some 4,000 families, living in small wooden houses, but the government ignored them when it granted a 99-year lease to Shukaku Inc, a private developer considered close to the ruling party.

The area, some 130 hectares, will be turned into residential and office space and shopping malls. Current residents will receive compensation packages estimated between US$ 1,500 and US$ 8,500, an amount so low, that most residents have refused to accept. In the meantime, the lake waters are rising.

"Shukaku Inc is forcibly evicting lakeside residents by pumping sand and mud into their homes," said Rolando Modina, regional director of the international pressure group Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions.

"The message that is being sent to the remaining residents at the lake is that they should accept the compensation being offered to them or else their houses, too, will be buried in mud," said David Pred, executive director of Bridges Across Borders Cambodia, a non-governmental organisation.

The net result is that everyone is leaving, many not knowing where to go, especially since the money offered is so small to find a new place to live. About a thousand families are left; they are the poorest, uncertain as to what to do.

Land disputes are a major problem in Cambodia, as they often are in China. Last year alone, at least 26 cases of mass evictions displaced about 27,000 people across the country, according to a United Nations report released in September.

The communist Khmer Rouge abolished land ownership during its 1975-1979 rule; many legal documents were lost during that time and in the years of civil war that followed.

As land around the main cities becomes scarce, what is left is attractive to developers to build new residential complexes and modern shopping centres.

"Forced evictions are being driven by rapid speculative investment in the Cambodian real estate market, coupled with endemic corruption and the absence of the rule of law," Pred said. "The urban poor are being driven from their homes in Phnom Penh, which is becoming an exclusive domain of the wealthy."

The capital is indeed undergoing heavy development after projects stalled during the global financial crisis two years ago. Last year, the government passed a law giving itself the power to seize private property for public development projects.

At the same time, what is happening in and near the cities is happening in the countryside as well. Farmland seized by the authorities is granted to big sugar and rubber companies.

Under Cambodian law, a person who has lived in any one place unchallenged for five years or more has rights to that land.

Most Lake Kak dwellers began living on or near the lake in the 1980s. In recent months, they have staged dozens of demonstrations, which have been quickly dispersed by police.

Sok Sambath, the governor of the Phnom Penh's Daunh Penh district, which includes the lake, described the development as "a good thing" for the area and said residents had to accept compensation.

Until recently, the eastern edge of Lake Boeung Kak was a popular tourist stretch, with many guesthouses and bars lining the shore. The lake now resembles a large sand dune and has lost its allure. Tourists are staying away and hotels are closing.

The local economy has been completely turned upside down to profit real estate development.

The Chinese government should account for a group of 20 ethnic Uighurs deported from Cambodia one year ago, Human Rights Watch said today. Over the past year, the Chinese government has consistently refused to provide information about the group's status and well-being.

On December 19, 2009, Cambodia forcibly repatriated 20 Uighur asylum seekers fleeing a crackdown in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region of China. The group, which had expressed fear of persecution and torture if sent back to China, had been issued "Persons of Concern" letters by the Phnom Penh office of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), which should have prevented their forced return to possible persecution, known as refoulement. Despite this, the group, which included two young children, was forced aboard a plane in Phnom Penh chartered by the Chinese government.

"Uighurs deported to China are at clear risk of torture," said Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. "China's failure to account for any of those asylum seekers a year after their forced return is extremely worrying."

The crackdown that prompted the group to flee China followed its most violent episode of ethnic unrest in years, in which over 200 people were killed in Urumqi, the regional capital, in July 2009. Hundreds of Uighurs were detained after the violence in Urumqi, and several people have been executed for involvement in the rioting. In October 2009, Human Rights Watch documented 43 cases in which Uighur men had disappeared in Urumqi after having been taken away by security forces. Human Rights Watch also documented grave violations of due process in the trials of suspected protesters.

Urumqi residents interviewed by Human Rights Watch since October 2009 indicated that torture in detention remains a common practice in Xinjiang. There has been no further information about the 42 cases of enforced disappearance documented in the report.

China's record of torture, disappearance, and arbitrary detention of Uighurs, as well as the politicized nature of judicial proceedings in past cases of forced repatriation, raise serious concerns that these individuals remain at risk of torture and ill-treatment, Human Rights Watch said.

"The violence of July 2009 was horrific and unjustifiable," Richardson said. "But it is no ground for the indiscriminate crackdown and the massive human rights violations that followed."

The refoulement of the 20 Uighur asylum seekers constituted a clear violation of Cambodia's obligations as a state party to the 1951 United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. Human Rights Watch also knows of at least four Chinese asylum seekers under the protection of the UNHCR who were arrested in Phnom Penh in 2002 and 2004 and sent back to China.

China is also a party to the Refugee Convention and its Protocol, as well as to the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and it has signed but not ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It has not yet joined the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

"Both China and Cambodia should be held accountable for their flagrant disregard of their obligations under international law," Richardson said. "This case is a stark reminder that no country should deport Uighur asylum seekers back to China."

Two top Chinese officials confirm that Beijing is ready to invest in the euro but is concerned about the EU's handling of the debt crisis

China is "very concerned about whether the European debt crisis can be controlled"; however, it "supports the slew of measures by EU and IMF to stabilise financial markets," top Chinese officials said yesterday and today at the start of a series of bilateral EU-China meetings. In their view, a stable Europe is in China's best interest.

"We want to see if the EU is able to control sovereign debt risks and whether consensus can be translated into real action to enable Europe to emerge from the financial crisis soon and in a good shape," Chinese Commerce Minister Chen Deming said.

"China has taken concrete actions to help some European countries deal with their sovereign debt crisis," China's Vice Premier Wang Qishan said as he urged Europe to turn words into deeds. "The EU has taken active measures to deal with the debt crisis, and we hope the measures can achieve some results as soon as possible," he added.

The meetings are part of the annual dialogue between China and the European Union on trade.

EU Competition Commissioner Joaquin Almunia, EU Trade Commissioner Karel De Gucht and EU Commissioner for Economic and Financial Affairs are all three present at the meetings.

Beijing's concern is no accident because strengthening cooperation between China and the European Union is in its direct interest. In the past two years in fact, the Chinese government has sunk a considerable amount of its US$ 2.65 trillion reserves in euros and naturally wants to protect its investments in the Old Continent.

A CHRD report denounces absolute control over women's lives because of the one-child rule: forced gynaecological examinations; abortions even in the ninth month, sterilization, contraceptive implants. Local leaders who arbitrarily use fines to get rich. The one-child rule "for another five years" at least.

Chinese women have no power of choice over their body and are subjected to constant humiliation and suffering because of the one-child law. At least three times a year they must report for a mandatory pelvic examination (to verify that they are not pregnant); after the first child, they are forced to use an intrauterine contraceptive device, they are subjected to forced sterilization and abortion (up to nine months).

This is the picture that emerges from a chilling report released yesterday by the CHRD (China Human Rights Defenders), entitled "I don't have a choice over my own body", which lists the human rights violations suffered by men and women - but especially by women - because of the one-child law, launched 30 years ago to drastically control the population.

The publication verifies its impact over the last five years. Although many parties speak of a possible softening, and there are even rumours of its possible cancellation, the report instead shows that population control and the one-child law are still implemented with violence. The report is full of examples that show:

a) Married women are urged to insert IUDs or be sterilized when they have reached their birth quotas, thus depriving them of their choice over birth control methods.

b) Women who are pregnant out-of-quota-which includes premarital pregnancies-are often forced to abort the fetuses, even in advanced pregnancies; the report cites the example of Liu Dan, from Liuyang City in Hunan Province, became pregnant before she reached the age at which she could legally marry, which is 22 for men and 20 for women. Liu and her boyfriend then decided to get engaged. Liu's child was due to be born on March 5, 2009, but just a little over a week before the due date, on February 26, Liu was seized at her home by officials from the town family planning bureau, who forced her to undergo an abortion. Liu and her child died on the operating table.

c) Men and women who have violated the policy, as well as their families and relatives, have been punished with arbitrary detention, beatings, fines, and property seizures; others have been fired from their jobs and their out-of-quota children have been denied household registration permits (exclusion from health care, school, etc. ..); Both parents and children face discrimination as a result of the policy, as education and employment opportunities and even social services are linked to compliance with the policy. The highly arbitrary and uneven way it is being carried out across the country also results in unequal treatment between couples in similar situations.

The report reveals that the law is not applied in the same way everywhere, and its interpretation is left to the will or sentiments of the local authorities. But wherever the bureaucrats of family planning receive rewards and incentives if they meet quotas set in sterilization, abortion, coils, etc ...: then it becomes a business market at people's expense.

Even the fines that are imposed vary from place to place, but remain an important source of revenue for local governments, especially in rural areas. The arbitrariness with which they are handled opens a large potential for corruption.

CHRD concludes the report by asking the Chinese government to prosecute the bureaucrats who have violated the rights of citizens under the pretext of implementing the one-child law, and to abolish the program of population control.

This program has in fact distorted the demography of China, creating a serious imbalance in the balance between males and females and a rapidly aging population.

Just a few days ago, December 20, the head of family planning in Beijing, Li Bin, said that the one-child policy will remain unchanged "at least for the next five years. "

Armed groups in eastern Congo are pulling youth from schools, homes, and fields and forcing them to fight. The Congolese government should urgently stop this recruitment and prosecute those responsible.

Rogue Congolese army officers and armed groups in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are forcibly recruiting and training for combat hundreds of young men and boys in new efforts to expand their ranks, Human Rights Watch said today. The wave of military recruitment, which began around September 2010, signals a possible collapse of eastern Congo's peace process.

Human Rights Watch interviewed dozens of escaped recruits, as well as teachers, local leaders, and child protection workers, who described the forced or underage recruitment of more than 1,000 young men and boys since September. At least 261 were under age 18. Many of the children were re-recruited after previously escaping or being demobilized.

"Armed groups in eastern Congo are pulling youth from schools, homes, and fields and forcing them to fight," said Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. "The Congolese government should urgently stop this recruitment and prosecute those responsible."

Domestic and international law applicable in the Congo prohibits forced recruitment and the recruitment of children under 18 into armed groups.

The Congolese army general and former rebel leader Bosco Ntaganda and officers loyal to him, including Lt. Col. Innocent Zimurinda and Col. Baudouin Ngaruye, have been responsible for the forced recruitment of hundreds of young men and boys in recent months in North and South Kivu provinces, witnesses told Human Rights Watch. At least 121 of the new recruits are children, under age 18, although reports received by Human Rights Watch indicate that there are probably many more.

Ntaganda was the military leader of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a former rebel group supported by neighboring Rwanda, who fought the Congolese army beginning in 2006. In January 2009, following an agreement between the presidents of Congo and Rwanda, the CNDP agreed to give up its rebellion and integrate into the Congolese army's ranks. The integration of the former enemies has been fraught with continuing tensions.

Although nominally in the Congolese army, Ntaganda maintains a parallel chain of command operating outside the army's military hierarchy. Some former CNDP units have gone further, ending their participation in the integration process. New recruits are forced to join the units under Ntaganda's parallel command structure.

A 17-year-old boy from the Nyanzale area said that the Congolese army officers who forcibly recruited him previously belonged to the CNDP and told him he was joining Ntaganda's army. He was then put in a prison and only allowed out once a day for military training. "The officers said we wouldn't fight the government until General Ntaganda gives the order," he told a Human Rights Watch researcher, after he managed to escape. "Once Ntaganda gives the order to start the war, we will start. Until then, we wait."

Witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that since early October, former CNDP commanders integrated into the Congolese army had called at least seven meetings for young men and boys in the Ufumandu and Ziralo areas, on the pretext of discussing development issues. Those who attended the meetings soon learned that the real motive was to recruit them into the CNDP to fight the government. They were told they would be given US$60 each with an increase in salary and other benefits "as soon as the war is won."

In the Kitchanga area in mid-November, officers under the command of Lt. Col. Zimurinda visited schools, making lists of male students, ages 15 to 20. In subsequent weeks, Congolese army soldiers loyal to Ntaganda took the youths away from schools, their homes, fields, or as they walked to and from school. In Charamba village, on November 15, seven young men were taken from a football field before a match and have not been seen since.

Those who resist risk severe punishment or even death. On November 23, in Burungu, former CNDP soldiers shot a 22-year-old man when he tried to escape. He died just after reaching a hospital. In other cases, those who resisted were badly beaten, thrown in prisons for several days or more, and then forced to join.

Many youth in the affected regions are now hiding in the forests or trying to flee to larger towns to escape the forced recruitment, witnesses told Human Rights Watch.

Human Rights Watch research found that Ntaganda and other former CNDP officers loyal to him have been responsible for recruitment in the Ufumandu, Kitchanga, Kalembe, and Mpati areas of Masisi territory (North Kivu); the Bwiza and Nyanzale areas of Rutshuru territory (North Kivu); and the Ziralo area of Kalehe territory (South Kivu). Military training for the new recruits is being conducted in Bwiza, Muheto, Nyamitaba, and Ufumandu.

Ntaganda had previously been implicated in forcibly recruiting and training children and young men for combat. In 2006, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for him for war crimes of enlisting and conscripting children as soldiers and using them in hostilities in the Ituri district of eastern Congo. The Congolese government has failed to act on the arrest warrant, claiming that arresting him would harm the peace process.

Congolese army officers in North Kivu informed Human Rights Watch that they have received reports of new recruitment by forces loyal to Ntaganda and have opened investigations. They said that they have sent warnings to officers under their command that any forced recruitment will not be tolerated.

"It is shocking that an individual wanted by the ICC continues to commit the very crimes for which he is charged," Van Woudenberg said. "The Congolese government should not only end the illegal recruiting, but immediately arrest Ntaganda, instead of hiding behind a facade that he's necessary for the peace process."

Human Rights Watch has also documented recent cases of forced or under-age recruitment by the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a predominately Rwandan Hutu rebel group, some of whose leaders participated in the genocide in Rwanda. Human Rights Watch research identified at least 83 Congolese children under 18, some as young as 14, recently recruited by the FDLR. Many were previously with the FDLR, managed to escape, and were targeted again when they returned to their families.

A 17-year-old boy interviewed by Human Rights Watch who had been a child soldier with the FDLR and allied groups since age 7, managed to escape in August and rejoin his family. Only a few months later, in November, he was forcibly recruited again by the FDLR. He escaped a second time a few weeks later.

"They grabbed me while I was walking home, tied me up, and put me in a prison," he told Human Rights Watch, describing his second forcible recruitment. "Then after three days, they gave me a uniform and a weapon... I was eventually able to flee when they sent me on my own to steal a goat. Many other Congolese children are still with the FDLR, and they want to escape but they're scared. The commanders will kill anyone they suspect of wanting to flee."

Various local militia groups known as the Mai Mai, who remain outside of the integration process in eastern Congo, are also forcibly recruiting young men and boys as well as holding children in their ranks from previous recruitment drives. These include the Alliance des patriotes pour un Congo libre et souverain (APCLS), Mai Mai Kirikicho, Mai Mai Sheka, and Patriotes résistants congolais (PARECO) factions. At least 57 children under 18 have recently been recruited by these armed groups.

Human Rights Watch interviewed a 14-year-old boy who recently escaped the APCLS, after being with the group since he was 6 years old. "There are children my age or younger at each APCLS position," he said. "Children who refuse to become soldiers are killed."

Child protection workers told Human Rights Watch that there has been a significant increase in the numbers of children in eastern Congo fleeing recruitment since September, especially those who were previously demobilized and are once again being targeted. Child protection workers have registered at least 193 such cases of re-recruitment since September.

Many former rebels who were integrated into the Congolese army in early 2009 have hidden children within their ranks rather than demobilize them. According to a recent report from the United Nations Group of Experts on the Congo, child protection officers have not been allowed to screen nearly two-thirds of the Congolese army soldiers involved in joint military operations with the UN, to ensure that child combatants do not take part.

In January 2009, the Congolese government adopted the Child Protection Code, which prohibits recruiting children under age 18 into armed forces and groups. Recruiters face 20 years in prison, but few have been tried on these charges. Congo has also ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which prohibits recruiting people under 18 for armed groups.

"Armed groups and rogue elements of the Congolese army repeatedly prey on boys, pressganging them into military service," Van Woudenberg said. "These children desperately need the protection of their government and UN peacekeepers."

The heavy regulations that private schools will be subjected to under the RTE, may mar its noble objective of providing education to all, argues Andrew Coulsan. A study has found that the least regulated, most market-like education systems in India consistently outperformed centrally planned and heavily regulated government systems.

Azim Premji, chairman of the international tech giant Wipro Ltd., just pledged US $2 billion for the improvement of Indian education. By far the largest charitable donation in the country's history, it will no doubt spur further philanthropy and accelerate the pace of education reform. But what will that reform look like, and will it work?

At the forefront of India's reform debate is the Right to Education Act, which went into effect in April of this year. Among its most talked-about provisions is a mandate that all private schools must set aside one quarter of their places for poor students whose tuition costs will be subsidised by the government. This has been hailed both domestically and abroad as the world's largest "school voucher" program in the making.

But there's a catch: in addition to subsidising poor students' access to private schools, the RtE Act demands that those institutions conform to a vast array of regulations within three years or face closure.

The Premji Trust, which invests the funds donated by its namesake, supported the RTE Act, and in fact advocated the imposition of even more detailed and stringent regulations than those ultimately included in the law. But what does the evidence say about the role of government regulation in improving school performance in India and elsewhere?

The most regulated schools of all are those operated directly by the state. Teachers are required to have government credentials, there is an official curriculum, the number of days of teaching per year and hours of classes per day are all codified. Yet it is no secret that, despite reams of such regulations, Indian state schools have tragically failed the nation's children. A decade ago, researchers with the Center for Development Economics visited government schools in 200 villages around the country. They found that only half of these had any teaching activity going on in any of their classrooms. A third of headteachers were simply absent. The same sorry pattern has been found repeatedly by researchers in the years since.

Given that regulations have failed even to ensure that teachers show up for work, it should come as no surprise that they have also failed to ensure quality. In the Old City slums of Hyderabad, for instance, education scholar James Tooley found that children in the parent-funded unrecognised private schools were academically outperforming those in the vastly higher-spending government schools. He has found this to be true, moreover, all across the developing world: from India to China to Africa.

Tooley's findings are not unusual. When I reviewed the worldwide research comparing government and private schools for the Journal of School Choice last year, I found that the least regulated, most market-like education systems consistently outperformed centrally planned and heavily regulated government systems. Competitive market pressures force private schools to be accountable to parents in ways that government schools and government regulations simply cannot replicate.

Unfortunately, these higher-performing low-cost private schools do not have the certified teachers or large playgrounds required for official recognition, and could not afford them even with the subsidies envisaged by the RtE Act. If the rules of the RtE are enforced as written, the most effective group of schools serving India's poor will be destroyed.

This looming catastrophe has been recognised by the New Delhi-based Center for Civil Society, which, among other groups, has filed suit to block the RtE Act regulations that would eradicate low-cost entrepreneurial education in India. But such matters needn't be decided in a courtroom. The evidence that government regulation fails to improve educational quality is extensive and readily available. Just as clear is the successful and growing role played by entrepreneurial unrecognised private schools that are held accountable directly by parents. The law can be changed to reflect these realities if the people demand it.

Moscow and New Delhi plan to develop and build fifth generation fighter planes. Russian President Medvedev is in India to renew old ties. He backs India's aspiration for a permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council. The two partners plan to double trade over the next five years.

Russia will supply India with fighter jets, missiles and nuclear reactors. The announcement was made yesterday during Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's visit to India. At the same time, "The Russian Federation supports India as a deserving and strong candidate for a permanent seat in an expanded UN Security Council," a joint Russian-Indian statement said.

The declaration follows similar ones by the United States and France. The United Kingdom also does not appear to oppose India's permanent seat. Only China has not clearly come down one way or the other. In fact, whilst New Delhi and Beijing have seen their relations improve recently, they remain traditional rivals.

China is also not very keen to see Japan get a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.

In his recent visit to India, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao said that China "understands and supports India's aspiration to play a greater role in the United Nations, including in the Security Council," but did not go so far as to endorse a permanent seat for New Delhi.

Russia is one of India's closest political and economic partners since Soviet times. For decades, it was New Delhi's main weapons supplier, even though the Indians have recently sought to diversify their suppliers and inched closer to the United States.

Russian-Indian trade hit the US$ 10 billion mark this year, but the two countries plan to double that by 2015.

They will also work together to develop and build 250-300 fifth generation fighter aircraft over ten years in a contract estimated at US$ 35 billion.

Russia successfully tested a prototype of its fifth-generation PAK FA stealth fighter in January, beating out its US and European competitors.

On the nuclear front, Moscow will provide New Delhi another two civilian nuclear energy reactors in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu.

Energy-hungry India is one of the world's biggest nuclear power markets, with plans to expand its capacity nearly 15-fold to 63,000 megawatts by 2032.

The Russian president, who headed a delegation that included about 100 business leaders, yesterday met Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Sing and the ruling Congress party president Sonia Gandhi.

Today he is in Mumbai, India's financial capital, and will visit some Bollywood studios.

Muslim radicals colonising the country, Indonesian bishops say by Mathias Hariyadi

The bishop of Padang warns against the systematic and organised spread of radical Islamic ideology. Political authorities are criticised for failing to stop the wave of violence. In the meantime, police is out in force to prevent anti-Christian violence over the Christmas period.

Mgr Mathinus D Situmorang, president of the Indonesian Bishops of Conference's (KWI), warned Indonesian political elites on a potentially serious threat to the national interest. The prelate, who is the bishop of Padang (Western Sumatra), delivered his word of caution during the admission ceremony for new members of the Indonesian Catholic University Student Association (PMKRI). In his address, he criticised the state for its powerlessness in the face of dozens of attacks carried out by Islamic fundamentalist groups against churches and Christians.

"In the past, Indonesia was occupied and colonised by foreign rulers. However, the present situation is not much better even if we are ruled by fellow Indonesian citizens," the bishop said. Here, he was referring to recent attacks carried out by the Islamic Defender Front (FPI), which stormed two places of worship in Rancaekek, Bandung Regency (West Java), forcing their closure. More broadly, he is deeply concerned that religious intolerance is spreading and taking rook among ordinary people.

Muslim extremists, he explained, had no legal right to interfere with the aforementioned places of worship even if they did not have a building permit. What is more, the situation is getting worse because law enforcement is not stopping the Islamists, and it is not clear why. Nonetheless, for the prelate, "A spirit of intolerance is finding fertile ground because of political interests".

In Parung, Bogor Regency, local authorities issued a ban against the Saint John the Baptist Catholic Church to prevent Christmas celebrations.

"If some Christian communities in Indonesia hold religious ceremonies in the streets or in the open, it is out of necessity because they have been unable to secure a building permit for their place of worship, and this, for years," Bishop Situmorang explained.

"If the [central] government and local authorities are stopped by every extremist Muslim group, the situation will get worse and the state's sovereignty will be given away to illegal groups that will carry out actions against the law," he lamented.

Still, the 3,000 parishioners who belong to the Saint John the Baptist Catholic Church will be able to celebrate Christmas at a local nuns' compound.

Indonesia's Defence Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro, who is Catholic, rejected the accusation, saying that any violent act would be punished.

Mgr Situmorang is not so sure. For him, the state is powerless and incapable of dealing with the problem. Yet, he is still "proud to belong to a multicultural society, where the spirit of intolerance is restrained".

In the meantime, hours before the start of Christmas services, the country has been placed under tight security with thousands of police deployed near churches, 8,000 in Jakarta alone. In Bali, police has secured every strategic site, including churches.

A study by the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace warns that whilst most violent actions are carried out by the infamous FPI, less noticeable actions by other radical Muslim groups are equally worrisome, especially since they are increasingly supported by ordinary people and are attracting even liberal groups and moderate clerics.

There are also rumours that radical elements have infiltrated the moderate Indonesian Ulemas Council (MUI), the country's most important organisation of Muslim clerics, which wields the greatest influence in moral and political terms.

According to the Setara report, beside the FPI, other important violent Islamist groups are the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis) and the Islamic People's Forum (FUI).

The same study noted that in "2005, FUI's chief Al Khaththath [. . .] made it to the MUI's board of directors," and at the organisation's annual meeting that year, he was among those who "actively lobbied the MUI to issue an edict forbidding the practice of liberal Islam".

The UN Human Rights Council in Geneva is holding a special session to discuss the crisis in Cote d'Ivoire as asked by the group of six African countries led by Nigeria and by the United States. The UN has described the situation as "delicate and dangerous; the people have already been suffering after eight years of civil war and they are the first victim of the contest between the two presidential contenders", Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara. "Apart from the serious human rights violations at the expense of civilians there is the immediate risk in security terms that is continuously deteriorating," says the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH). A group of women has protested in the streets of Port-Bouet, a poor area of Abidjan; beating pots and pans they protested against the nightly kidnappings and raids attributed to groups loyal to Gbagbo. On Sunday, the UN had confirmed massive human rights violations that have left at least fifty people dead so far. St least 11,000 Ivoirians have fled to neighboring Liberia, Guinea and Ghana, according to the EU Humanitarian Aid Commission, which has just released EUR 5 million to support humanitarian operations on the ground. In the past few hours, peaceful protests have taken place even in the city of Bouaké (centre), the stronghold of the former 'New Forces' rebels which is backing Ouattara, demanding that the local UN mission (ONUCI) remain as well as "Gbagbo's departure" thanks to an external intervention. The former rebel leader and prime minister in the Gabgo national unity government Guillaume Soro openly demanded an intervention "by force"; he is now head of the executive proclaimed by Ouattara. In declarations issued by a French TV, Soro asked the UN Security Council, the EU, the African Union and ECOWAS to think about the use of force in view of the pressure and sanctions that have yet to bring a solution". France, Germany and Sweden have advised their citizens not to travel to the country. Nigeria has issued a similar warning, after repatriating its diplomatic staff in the wake of an attack against the Nigerian embassy in Abidjan. Meanwhile, Cote d'Ivoire is facing a barrage of sanctions from the AU, USA and the EU, which announced restrictive measures against the self proclaimed president Gbagbo and 18 close advisors. The president of the World Bank, Robert Zoellick, has announced that the institution has decided to block its financing destined for Ivory Coast until such time as the political situation gets clarified. [AB]

Ivoirians an much of the world are anxious to learn of the measures that The West African Economic Community (ECOWAS) will adopt during the special summit to be held today in Abuja (Nigeria) to resolve the crisis in Cote d'Ivoire emerging from the controversial results of the November 28 elections. Western powers such as France and the USA along with the UN, the African Union (AU) and the EU have been putting pressure on the self proclaimed president Laurent Gbagbo urging home to relinquish powers, while his challenger, Alassane Ouattara, has support and recognition. ECOWAS has held several meetings over the situation and all onlookers are awaiting an "Assumption of Responsibility," according to the 'Abidjan.net' website, that might lead the country out of the arm wrestling match that could break out into war. An African military intervention possibility has already been suggested in Cote d'Ivoire, "a responsibility that rests with the African heads of state," said the French minister of cooperation Henri de Raincourt. The reactions from France or the USA are drawing suspicion and criticisms by some human rights groups along with observers who consider such interventions as games needed to protect economic interests to protect. At the top of the current situation, "the Western powers have a large responsibility for the crisis for they knew well that the conditions for a transparent vote, especially in the North, could not be assured in absence of the reunification of the territory" said those responsible for the Survie association. In a communiqué, "Pyromaniac France cannot play the role of fireman", while France is also blamed for having played an important role into the crisis that has destabilized Cote d'Ivoire. "It was foolish to believe that the elections would have led the country out of the crisis - says 'Survie' - at this point it is better to take the road to peace". Survie adds that "to avoid Cote d'Ivoire from collapsing in violence" a responsible international community should "stop to recognize the win by any candidate", and to abandon the notion that a solution of force could be imposed to an as yet still divided country", suggesting that France withdraw its troops from the Licorne mission and to strengthen the local UN mission ONUCI'. Meanwhile, all of Western African countries are paying a high price for the crisis. The economic blockade is impoverishing ECOWAS, whose GDP is 40% contributed by Cote d'Ivoire thanks to cocoa, coffee, bananas and mining resources' such as iron, gold, oil, manganese. With measures such as the closure of borders, Ivoirian ports are no longer operational (Abidjan, Port-Bouet) while neighbors such as Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger continue to make heavy losses. (translated from a piece by Veronique Virgilio) [BO]

Palestinian Bedouin school children walk towards their tents on September 15, 2010 at their Bedouin camp outside the Israeli West Bank settlement of Ma'ale Adumin. Israel does not recognize the Bedouins’ property claims and has demolished homes and schools in the area.

Israeli policies in the West Bank harshly discriminate against Palestinian residents, depriving them of basic necessities while providing lavish amenities for Jewish settlements, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The report identifies discriminatory practices that have no legitimate security or other justification and calls on Israel, in addition to abiding by its international legal obligation to withdraw the settlements, to end these violations of Palestinians' rights.

The 166-page report, "Separate and Unequal: Israel's Discriminatory Treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories," shows that Israel operates a two-tier system for the two populations of the West Bank in the large areas where it exercises exclusive control. The report is based on case studies comparing Israel's starkly different treatment of settlements and next-door Palestinian communities in these areas.

It calls on the US and EU member states and on businesses with operations in settlement areas to avoid supporting Israeli settlement policies that are inherently discriminatory and that violate international law.

Palestinians face systematic discrimination merely because of their race, ethnicity, and national origin, depriving them of electricity, water, schools, and access to roads, while nearby Jewish settlers enjoy all of these state-provided benefits," said Carroll Bogert, deputy executive director for external relations at Human Rights Watch. "While Israeli settlements flourish, Palestinians under Israeli control live in a time warp - not just separate, not just unequal, but sometimes even pushed off their lands and out of their homes."

By making their communities virtually uninhabitable, Israel's discriminatory policies have frequently had the effect of forcing residents to leave their communities, Human Rights Watch said. According to a June 2009 survey of households in "Area C," the area covering 60 percent of the West Bank that is under exclusive Israeli control, and East Jerusalem, which Israel unilaterally annexed, some 31 percent of Palestinian residents had been displaced since 2000.

Human Rights Watch looked at both Area C and East Jerusalem and found that the two-tier system in effect in both areas provides generous financial benefits and infrastructure support to promote life in Jewish settlements, while deliberately withholding basic services, punishing growth, and imposing harsh conditions on Palestinian communities. Such different treatment on the basis of race, ethnicity, and national origin that is not narrowly tailored to legitimate goals violates the fundamental prohibition against discrimination under human rights law.

Israeli policies control many aspects of the day-to-day life of Palestinians who live in Area C and East Jerusalem. Among the discriminatory burdens imposed on Palestinians that Human Rights Watch found are Israeli practices of expropriating land from Palestinians for settlements and their supporting infrastructure; blocking Palestinians from using roads and reaching agricultural lands; denying access to electricity and water; denying building permits for houses, schools, clinics, and infrastructure; and demolishing homes and even entire communities. Such measures have limited the expansion of Palestinian villages and imposed severe hardships on residents, including leaving them with limited access to medical care.

By contrast, Israeli policies promote and encourage Jewish settlements to expand in Area C and East Jerusalem, often using land and other resources that are effectively unavailable to Palestinians. The Israeli government grants numerous incentives to settlers, including funding for housing, education, and infrastructure, such as special roads. Those benefits have led to the consistent and rapid expansion of settlements, the population of which grew from approximately 241,500 inhabitants in 1992 to roughly 490,000 in 2010, including East Jerusalem.

"While Israeli policy makers are fighting for the ‘natural growth' of their illegal settlements, they're strangling historic Palestinian communities, forbidding families from expanding their homes, and making life unlivable," Bogert said. "The policies surrounding Israel's settlements are an affront to equality and a major obstacle to ordinary Palestinian life."

One of the Palestinian communities that Human Rights Watch examines in the report is Jubbet al-Dhib, a village with 160 residents southeast of Bethlehem that dates from 1929. The village is often accessible only by foot because its only connection to a paved road is a rough, 1.5 kilometer-long dirt track. Children from Jubbet al-Dhib must walk to schools in other villages several kilometers away because their own village has no school.

Jubbet al-Dhib lacks electricity despite numerous requests to be connected to the Israeli electric grid, which Israeli authorities have rejected. Israeli authorities also rejected an international donor-funded project that would have provided the village with solar-powered street lights. Any meat or milk in the village must be eaten the same day due to lack of refrigeration; residents often resort to eating preserved foods instead. Villagers depend for light on candles, kerosene lanterns, and, when they can afford to fill it with gasoline, a small generator.

Approximately 350 meters away is the Jewish community of Sde Bar, founded in 1997. It has a paved access road for its population of around 50 people and is connected to Jerusalem by a new, multi-million-dollar highway - the "Lieberman Road" - which bypasses Palestinian cities, towns, and villages, like Jubbet al-Dhib. Sde Bar operates a high school, but Jubbet al-Dhib students may not attend. Settlements are designated closed military areas that may be entered only with special military permits. Residents of Sde Bar have the amenities common to any Israeli town, such as refrigerators and electric lights, which Jubbet al-Dhib villagers can see from their homes at night.

"Palestinian children in areas under Israeli control are studying by candlelight while watching the electric lights in settlers' windows," Bogert said. "Pretending that depriving Palestinian kids of access to schools or water or electricity has something to do with security is absurd."

In most cases where Israel has acknowledged differential treatment of Palestinians - such as when it bars them from "settler-only" roads - it has asserted that the measures are necessary to protect Jewish settlers and other Israelis who are subject to periodic attacks by Palestinian armed groups. But no security or other legitimate rationale can explain the vast scale of differential treatment of Palestinians, such as permit denials that effectively prohibit Palestinians from building or repairing homes, schools, roads, and water tanks, Human Rights Watch said.

Moreover, in addressing security concerns, Israel often acts as if all Palestinians pose a security threat by virtue of their race, ethnicity, and national origin, rather than narrowly tailoring restrictions to specific individuals who are shown to pose a threat. The legal prohibition of discrimination prohibits such broad-brush restrictions.

"The world long ago discarded spurious arguments to justify treating one group of people differently from another merely because of their race, ethnicity, or national origin," Bogert said. "It's time for Israel to end its policies of discrimination and stop treating Palestinians under its control markedly worse than Jews in the same area."

Israel's highest court has ruled that certain measures against Palestinian citizens of Israel were illegal because they were discriminatory. However, Human Rights Watch is not aware that the courts have adjudicated whether any Israeli practice in the West Bank discriminated against Palestinians, although petitioners have raised such claims in a number of cases.

Human Rights Watch said that the blatantly discriminatory practices make it an urgent matter for donor countries to avoid contributing to or being complicit in the violations of international law caused by the settlements. These countries should take meaningful steps encourage the Israeli government to abide by its obligations, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch reiterated its recommendation that the United States, which provides US$2.75 billion in aid to Israel annually, should suspend financing to Israel in an amount equivalent to the costs of Israel's spending in support of settlements, which a 2003 study estimated at $1.4 billion. Similarly, based on numerous reports that US tax-exempt organizations provide substantial contributions to support settlements, the report urges the US to verify that such tax-exemptions are consistent with US obligations to ensure respect for international law, including prohibitions against discrimination.

Human Rights Watch called on the EU, a primary export market for settlement products, to ensure that it does not provide incentives for settlement exports through preferential tariff treatment, and to identify cases where discrimination against Palestinians has contributed to the production of goods. For example, the report documents how crops exported from settlements using water from Israeli-drilled wells have dried up nearby Palestinian wells, limiting Palestinians' ability to cultivate their own lands and even their access to drinking water.

The report also describes cases in which businesses have contributed to or benefited directly from discrimination against Palestinians, for example through commercial activities on lands that were unlawfully confiscated from Palestinians without compensation for the benefit of settlers. These businesses also benefit from Israeli governmental subsidies, tax abatements, and discriminatory access to infrastructure, permits, and export channels. Human Rights Watch called on businesses to investigate, prevent and mitigate such violations, including ending any operations that cannot be separated from discriminatory Israeli practices.

"Discrimination of the kind practiced daily in the West Bank should be beyond the pale for anyone," Bogert said. "Foreign governments and businesses at risk of being tainted by Israel's unlawful practices should identify and end policies and actions that support them."

In his address to the Roman Curia, the Pontiff underlined communion with the Orthodox, the richness of Eastern traditions and the urgent need to reject violence in the context of tension in the Middle East. A comment from the scholar of Islam Fr. Samir (Part One).

Yesterday the Pope presented his Christmas greetings to cardinals and members of the Roma Curia. His address to them covered three points. Firstly, the Holy Father commented on the liturgical formula of Advent: "Excita, Domine, potentiam tuam, et veni" = Rouse your power, Lord, and come! Secondly, he focused on the Synod of the Churches of the Middle East which took place from 10 to 24 October. In the third place he reflected on his trip to Great Britain from 16 to 19 September. I would like to examine and comment upon what the Pope said on the second of these subjects.

The Pope's reflections were divided into two parts, focusing first on his trip to Cyprus (4 to 6 June) where he consigned the Synod's Instrumentum laboris to patriarchs and bishops, then on the Synod itself, which was held in the Vatican.

Benedict XVI's ideas are very concrete, being rooted in his deeply-felt experiences in the countries he visits and with the people he meets.

Cyprus is a country with an overwhelming Orthodox majority, at least in the Greek part of the island, and the Pope gratefully recalled the unforgettable hospitality of the Orthodox Church. At the same time he also made an ecumenical comment of immense spiritual and theological richness: "even if full communion is not yet granted to us", he said, "we have nevertheless established with joy that ..." and he went on to list four characteristics.

This premise means two things: firstly, that communion with the Orthodox Church does exist, though it is not yet perfect and complete; and it is important that the head of the Catholic Church should clearly affirm that communion already exists. Secondly, it indicates the Pope's profound desire that "full communion" be achieved. Catholic theology recognises that the communion existing between the two Churches already permits "communicatio in sacris" (i.e. sharing, in particular the Eucharist) in certain circumstances, although for her part the Orthodox Church does not allow this.

As for the four characteristics that unite us, the Pope enumerated them as follows:

* "The reading of Scripture according to the hermeneutic of the Regula fidei".

* "Finally, our faith in the central place of the Eucharist in the Church's life".

These four characteristics unite the two Churches profoundly, and listing them so clearly and plainly should act as a solid basis for ecumenical discussions between these two traditions.

When we speak of the Christian East we spontaneously think of Orthodoxy, and this is entirely natural if we compare the number of Orthodox with the number of Eastern Catholics. But not all the Middle East is like that. Such a situation is very evident in Egypt, where there are thirty times more Orthodox than Catholics, but things are different, for example, in Lebanon and in Iraq where Catholics slightly outnumber Orthodox.

The Pope wanted to make it clear that the Catholic Church is also Eastern. Indeed, the Catholic Church of the East possesses a rich and variegated liturgical tradition (and not only liturgical, but also theological, spiritual, canonical, hagiographical, etc.) and has apostolic antiquity. "We witnessed impressive manifestations of the rich Christian culture of the Christian East", the Pope said. And I would note that, by mentioning the Latin liturgy alongside the Maronite and Melchite liturgies, the Pope was suggesting that the Latin Church is just as Eastern as the other Churches. She uses the Western Roman liturgy but the vast majority of her faithful are from the East, often with more Arab followers than other Eastern Churches.

Cyprus is experiencing a tragedy that risks becoming permanent: the division of the country between Turks (Muslims) and Greeks (Orthodox). This division has many aspects - linguistic, ethnic, religious - and the Pope experienced it in person, having stayed in the papal nunciature with is located on the line separating the two parts of the island. We were able to experience, during the meeting with the Holy Father in Cyprus, the profound "desire for the peace and communion that had existed before", and the suffering of the inhabitants of the island.

This division is the result of violence. "Everyone knows that violence does not bring progress - indeed violence is what gave rise to the present situation". Cyprus is a kind of negative appeal for non-violence. People who live there become aware that violence brings nothing good, but only destruction and evil, destruction and evil which can last indefinitely!

No-one can resign themselves to this situation, the Pope least of all! Such a situation cannot be accepted! He tells the faithful, and everyone else, that preparing "the people for this attitude of peace is an essential task of pastoral ministry". In doing so he highlights one of the fundamental missions of the Church, especially in places where there is (or has been) war!

But how can peace be achieved, how can it be reached?. How can a single Cypriot nation be recreated for the good of everyone? There is only one way, as Benedict XVI affirmed: "Only in a spirit of compromise and mutual understanding can unity be re-established". Nobody likes the word "compromise", yet in certain cases it is necessary. But compromise, if it is not profoundly accepted, risks collapsing; it must be accompanied by understanding for others. Our mind goes to the situation between Israel and Palestine, which has lasted for more than sixty years: if each of the two sides does not seek "to understand", "to comprehend" the other's position, then there will never be peace.

The Holy Father here returns to one vital aspect of his thinking; that violence, for whatever reason, can never be justified. It brings only distress to individuals and communities and, as he said at Regensburg (and we will return to in part two), it is in opposition to God and the Faith! His is a message of absolute peace, cost what it may!

It is clear that Benedict XVI's theology is rooted in his own concrete experience, an experience he has absorbed, contemplated and reflected upon. It is a profound reflection upon everything he experiences in the course of his trips. In this way he shows himself to be a true intellectual: not in the sense of producing theoretical discourses and abstract considerations, but in the sense of one who reflects on facts in order extract conclusions that are valid for everyday life!

For fear of Islamic fundamentalism, textile workshops in Hebron and Jerusalem, produce and sell T-shirts and other items depicting the Church of the Nativity without the cross. Discrimination and economic crisis are forcing Christians to flee from the Palestinian territories and Israel. The risk is to see a future without Christians in the Holy Land. Interview with Samir Qumsieh, director of the Catholic television station Al-Mahed Nativity TV in Bethlehem.

This Christmas in Bethlehem, the cross has been banned from souvenirs for tourists and pilgrims in the Holy Land. Some textile workshops in Jerusalem and Hebron have begun to print and sell T-shirts depicting the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem without the cross. Because of the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in the Palestinian territories, the cross was also removed from t-shirts of football teams. Interviewed by AsiaNews, Samir Qumsieh, journalist and director of the Catholic television station Al-Mahed Nativity TV in Bethlehem, said: "I want to launch a campaign to urge people not to buy these products - he says - because the removal of the cross is an intimidation against Christians, it is like saying that Jesus was never crucified. "

Like every year, thousands including authorities, faithful and tourists from all over the world crowd, the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem for midnight mass on the night of 24 December. It will be celebrated by the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem and will be attended by the highest offices of the Palestinian Authority.

Qumsieh says that the population is living these days with joy, but the situation for Christians is still dramatic. According to the journalist, the dialogue of recent years between Muslims, Christians and Jews has not changed the situation.

"In the Holy Land - said Qumsieh - the emigration of Christians is growing, even if the authorities refuse to give precise numbers. Every day there are people who flee to other countries. As Christians, we live in a constant feeling of fear and uncertainty, and if you live in constant tension and pessimism you can not plan anything.

According to the journalist, "people leave because there is no work and movement is restricted under Israeli control." Other factors are the internal problems of Palestine, such as the clash between Hamas and Fatah, which has repercussions on the economic situation. Qumsieh points out that from 2002 to 2010 the Christian population of Bethlehem has dropped from over 18 thousand to 11 thousand people. In Gaza, after Hamas came to power in 2006, Christians have fallen by about 3,200 units, from 5 thousand to less than 1800 in 2010. Only 15,400 Christians (2% of the population) live in Jerusalem, as reported in a study by the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. They are 50% less than the 31 thousand registered residents in 1948, when Christians accounted for 20% of the population of the city.

The reporter says that if this exodus continues there will be no more Catholics in the Holy Land and that one day the Church of the Nativity could be turned into a museum. "If there are no more Christians in the Holy Land - he says - then there will no longer be Christians anywhere."

Meanwhile, on the occasion of the celebrations for Christmas, the Israeli military has ordered troops deployed in the occupied Palestinian territories to facilitate the passage of Christian pilgrims at checkpoints. The military has also distributed a brochure explaining the importance of Christmas for Christians and is urging soldiers to avoid unnecessary discussions and obstacles at the borders with the West Bank. (Sc)

Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela have already recognised Palestine. Uruguay is expected to do the same next year. The issue is debated in Chile. The United States warns against unilateral recognition. The European Union is still waiting. Israel orders its diplomatic missions to oppose such initiative around the world.

Late last night, Bolivian President Evo Morales announced that his country would formally recognise Palestine as a state within the 1967 borders. Morales added that he planned to write to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, informing him of the decision.

Earlier this month, Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela had already recognised Palestine within 1967 borders and Uruguay plans to do so next year.

Legislators from ruling and opposition parties in Chile have stepped by pressure on the government of President Sebastian Pinera to grant the same recognition to Palestine. Chile has a large Palestinian community of more than 300,000 people.

For the leaders of these states, such recognition will help lead to peaceful and secure coexistence with Israel. At a minimum, it should breathe new life into the deadlocked peace process.

Unable to stop Israeli settlements on the West Bank, a Palestinian precondition for renewed talks, the United States has warned against unilaterally recognising the Palestinian state.

The European Union is waiting instead for the right moment to grant its recognition.

The Palestinian diplomatic offensive is worrying Israel. Sources tell AsiaNews that the Israeli government has ordered all its embassies to monitor and stop all initiatives that would increase the number of nations recognising a Palestinian state.

The water in Koroama has been missing for the past six months. "First they sifted the river, then they started to burn the gas," says Kingsay Kwokwo, a village leader who no longer believes in the 'social responsibility' touted by the large oil multinationals. In the corner of the Niger Delta, in the state of Bayelsa, in an area dominated by the presence of Royal Dutch Shell, MISNA is accompanied by a small group of human rights defenders. "Foreign companies promise millions of dollars in local development projects, but often the communities do not receive anything," said father Edward Obi, a missionary who manages the Center for Social and Corporate Responsibility (CSCR).In the region of Gbaran-Ubie, where a new Shell - present in the region since 1936 - integrated oil and gas facility was inaugurated last June, which is expected to reach a capacity of 1 billion cubic meters of methane per day, or a quarter of the entire Nigerian production, next year. Hydrocarbons are refined on site before being sent to Bonny Island, a terminal known to the media for the million dollar kickbacks offered to politicians and officials by European and North American companies. In Koroama, however, the anger remains. The village has been gutted by two oil pipelines even though their construction was forbidden by a 2005 Nigerian government environmental sustainability study. "That document - says Father Edward - provides for Shell to ensure a system of potable water supply to partly compensate the population for the environmental damages". The youth from CSCR have reached 17 villages and interviewed hundreds of people. There is not a trace of the promised aqueducts, even if Shell continues to say that since the start of the work, the local communities have obtained 'benefits' and 'work'. The villagers remember very well Shell promising that the smell and poison from the burning gas would have lasted little. "However, since June, the flames in the sky of the Delta have never turned off," said a traditional leader, who can see metal structures from his village. There is anger and disappointment even when the talk turns to jobs, "300 full time jobs," said Shell. "They bring technicians and workers from abroad," said the people of the villages. In May, the women's protests in the region of Gbaran-Ubie forced the governor of Bayelsa to mediate. To complete the 'social projects' provided by an accord signed by Shell with the local communities, there will be time until December 31. "But this too - they tell MISNA - is an illusion". [BO]

The government of Colombo has agreed to allow access to a United Nations panel of war crimes experts to investigate violations committed by the army against civilians in the 2000 offensive against the Tamil Tigers. According to the local media, the decision to send a mission was taken by UN secretary general Ban Ki-Moon, whose envoys will meet on an unspecified date with colleagues of a national reconciliation commission, which was criticised by numerous local NGOs for its "lack of independence" from the central authorities. In announcing the decision, Ban welcomed the collaboration of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Based on UN estimates, some 7,000 civilians were killed in the first four months of 2009, ahead of the last final offensive on the Mullaitivu beach, where some 100,000 Tamil civilians were believed to have been trapped in the crossfire. [BO]

Many events are organised in Colombo and northern Sri Lanka to celebrate the birth of Jesus, 'prince of peace'. Concerts, dances and gift giving are part of the initiatives involving Catholic, Buddhist and Muslim religious and spiritual leaders, in an atmosphere of national harmony, after 30 years of war.

The Sri Lankan Army and Catholics have come together to organise activities to celebrate Christmas in the northern part of the country, especially those areas still recovering from war. Christian priests and nuns as well as Buddhist monks took part in a number of events marking the birth of Jesus, the 'Prince of Peace', like carols, dances, gift giving and help and attention for the neediest of their fellow men and women. Army officials stressed the aspect of "forgiveness" of the celebration, an important gift brought by Christianity.

At St Joseph's College Chapel in Colombo, the Sri Lankan Army's Christian Association organised a Christmas concert last Sunday.

Army chaplain Fr Joseph Benedict read the opening prayer. He gave thanks to God for all the soldiers who fought to restore peace and blessed the army and its members.

The rector of St Joseph College, Fr Sylvester Ranasinghe, explained the Christian message, stressing the importance of recognising the symbols of Christmas in today's society and live our lives accordingly.

Last Friday, the Seva Vanitha Army Branch organised an evening of Christmas carols for war heroes recovering at the Ranaviru Sevana rehabilitation centre in Ragama. Ms Manjulika Jayasuriya, head of the Seva Vanitha, opened the ceremony, and later handed out gifts to the centre's patients.

The Interreligious Foundation for National Harmony and the Child Foundation for Ethnic Harmony were behind another event that took place on 11 December at Jaffna's Methodist church.

"Many people took part in the evening's function," Fr Sarath Hettiarachi, president of the Interreligious Foundation for National Harmony, told AsiaNews. "They included 500 Buddhist monks, Sinhalese visitors, the Gampaha Methodist Church Choir as well as some Muslim and Hindu religious leaders."

Soldiers and a large group Tamil came together. This, the priest said, "is the first time in almost 30 years of civil war that Christmas is celebrated in Jaffna this way, all this in the name of national harmony."

Bartholomew I: we will continue to dialogue with the Pope and Islam by NAT da Polis

The Ecumenical Patriarch defends the choice of dialogue with Catholics, Jews and Muslims, despite criticisms from some sectors of Orthodox traditionalists. Ecology: "The environment, nature, are God's creation and do not belong only to us who live today in 2010. They belong to all future generations. "

On the eve of the holiday season, Bartholomew I delivered a major address before an highly qualified audience from the Orthodox world, defending the Ecumenical Patriarchate's choice for inter-faith dialogue. "We will insist on dialogue, despite the criticism that we suffer," he said. "There is, unfortunately, a certain religious fundamentalism, a tragic phenomenon, which can be found among Orthodox and Catholics, among Muslims and Jews. These are people who think they alone have the right to exist on earth, almost as if they alone have the right to rule on this our planet according to the Old Testament. And they say there is no room for anyone else, and are therefore opposed to any dialogue. "

The Patriarch continued: "We are subject to criticism and attack because we maintain relations with the Pope (because we are strong supporters of the ecumenical dialogue between Orthodox and Catholics), with Islam and the Jewish world. But we will continue to move forward on our journey, according to the path laid by our predecessors, well aware of our actions, regardless of the criticisms of which we are object. These fringes, characterized by extreme positions, are everywhere. It is therefore natural that we suffer their criticisms, according to their ideological dictates, all of us who try to widen our horizons and have a theological view of things. Because we want the peaceful coexistence of all, based on the principles of charity and friendship. "

Bartholomew I added: "This is the credo of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and I want to remember that in 1920 the regent of the patriarchal see, along with the synod, had addressed to Catholics and Protestants an encyclical, called 'The community of churches', along the lines of the newly created 'society of nations'. That encyclical is considered today by the World Council of Churches as the 'Charter' of the ecumenical movement of our time. This is a well known fact to insiders, and it is good that it should be made as widely known to as many people as possible".

Then Bartholomew I went on to highlight: "With regard to interreligious dialogue, it is our belief and our creed. Because we need to know each other better, to work together while respecting the religious beliefs of others, their cultural identity, without oppression. This is the only way to live in peace. For this reason, the Patriarchate, in addition to having a dialogue with other Churches and Christian denominations, has established over the past 25 years a dialogue with Islam and Judaism. We have had several successful meetings. With the Muslims and Jews, our brothers, we do not discuss purely theological issues as it would be difficult. But we talk about social issues, social issues that effect all people, all humanity, all over the world. "

Ecology has been one of the favorite themes of the Ecumenical Patriarchate since 1989. The Patriarch said: "Everything that we try to do, we do because we believe it is our duty, because the Church should be actively present in the contemporary world and be sensitive to people's problems, raise awareness and encourage them to love and protect nature like their own homes". He added: "The environment, nature, is God's creation and do not belong only to us who live today in 2010. They belong to all future generations. "

Bishop,Dositheos spokesman for the Patriarchate, commented on the Patriarch's homily for AsiaNews, "a certain confusion prevails in some sectors of the Orthodox Christian world between the two terms, tradition and traditionalism. Tradition, to which those minorities often refer, is the ongoing search to interpret and understand the truth, while traditionalism which essentially belong to these minorities, is an intellectual sterility which often is identified with nationalism in the Orthodox world".

Several events organized throughout the country to bring the Christmas spirit to people in need. Priests, nuns, seminarians and volunteers distribute gifts to people with HIV / AIDS, orphans, lonely, elderly, poor, disabled and lepers. The Archbishop of Hanoi Catholics, "by your example you awaken the conscience of society".

Caritas and the Church of Vietnam have decided to celebrate Christmas this year with Vietnam's poorest, across the country, by organizing events and parties. In the cathedral of Hanoi over a thousand people - including street children, the elderly, people with HIV / AIDS and poor - participated in yesterday's Mass to celebrate the birth of Jesus After the service, some groups received Christmas gifts from priests, nuns , seminarians and volunteers who work and lived with them.

Archbishop Nguyen Van Nhon, of Hanoi, expressed words of hope to the volunteers: "Your presence reminds us that we must not waste time. And we must do our duty and live by our mission. You have been courageous in accepting a hard life, that makes us people who are passionate and enthusiastic. If sometimes you feel sad and disappointed because you think you can do nothing, you must be proud instead and think that by your example you have awakened our conscience and that of society. "

During the week, with the theme "Christmas Love", the faithful of the diocese of Phan Thiet visited and brought gifts to 230 families living in difficult circumstances, hundreds of orphans, lonely elderly and disabled people. On 24 and 25 December the Caritas of the Diocese will bring a "Christmas of love" to people living in small and remote islands like Phu Qui and Binh Thuan.

Saigon archdiocese Pastoral Centre organized a Festival of Christmas for 4500 disabled. The event is an opportunity for social workers, volunteers, directors of shelters and reception centres to bring happiness and peace of Christmas to refugees.

Representatives and volunteers of Caritas have also visited the lepers of the sanatorium Eana of Ban Me Thuot, and those of Dakka and Darring in the Diocese of Kontum. There was mobilization among the people who donated money and medicine to the sick, and prayed for those suffering from leprosy, orphans and disabled people of the Highlands.