THE POLICY AIMED AT IN THE
DETAILED
MOVEMENT OF POPULATION AND WORK
Such is the supporting
framework or canvas
upon which a more detailed plan is to be drawn. And great as are the
difficulties
of transport provision (including as they do the handling of an old
problem
- daily short-distance and through long-distance - and the creation of
a completely new system - by air): enormous as is the need to protect
agricultural
productivity: and vital as is the preservation of the recreative
reservoir
of country and pure air; nevertheless, it is the regrouping of
population
and industry that is the real task of this Plan for Greater London.
Working
with the Barlow contention that London is too large, or at any rate
large
enough, some detailed attempt must be made to redistribute the
population
and industry within the region, as well as consider what might leave it.
But here the planner of Outer
London senses
two streams of thought in this twin objective of home and work. The
inner
authorities (i.e., the L.C.C. and the adjacent over-dense Boroughs) are
chiefly concerned to render their working quarters really healthy,
convenient
and pleasant. To do this they must decentralise. To those that leave
them,
they have the duty of seeing that so far as is possible they take their
work with them, or at any rate move to a place where they can engage
upon
similar work to that which they have left behind. Everyone, of course,
generally knows, and certain minute investigations have proved, how
complex
and gradual this process is. The emphasis is on the People.
But there is another approach, in
which
the emphasis is on Occupation. Here the custodians of our industrial
prosperity
are studying where industry is wanted; it may be the balancing of a
lopsided
or one-track area; it may be the rehabilitation of a depressed area; it
may again be aimed at making use of a pool of available labour; or it
may
be finding purchasers for war factories likely to be suitable for
civilian
industry. In general, this approach might be said to lead further
afield
than the other.
We have endeavoured to meet both
these
approaches and though our concern is primarily within the region, we
have
made some more tentative suggestions for dispersal of two types,
beyond.
A national policy for industrial distribution will naturally modify or
supersede these.
Within the whole of London (both
inner
and outer) there may be said to be two types of population movement
both
mainly centrifugal (these are alluded to in assumption 2). They might
be
called Sporadic and Mass Decentralisation, the first unconscious, the
second
organised; both have existed in the past and both should be used in the
future. There has been a steady stream of people leaving older built-up
London for the newer suburbs, and there have been large; scale L.C.C.
housing
schemes outside the L.C.C. boundary, the largest being that of
Becontree.
There has been a tendency to
maintain
that the unconscious trek outwards gives some sort of measure of the
size
of the mass movement. Thus, if 50,000 people per annum left London
dispersedly
in ten years, that is equivalent to a mass move of half a million from
the East End. This is a misleading picture; the sporadic move is of all
sorts and conditions of men, changing their abode for all sorts of
reasons-not
merely dissatisfaction with a slum dwelling. If half a million were
moved
from Central London as part of an organised scheme, with accompanying
industry
and to properly prepared reception areas, it would represent an
infinitely
larger conception and achievement both quantitatively and qualitatively.
But we envisage the continuance of
both
these movements, the sporadic probably on a smaller scale, but the mass
on a greatly increased scale.
SPORADIC
MOVEMENT OR OSCILLATION: SPECULATIVE BUILDING: VILLAGES
It is perhaps advisable to
consider this
sporadic movement before the greater and more spectacular methodical
decentralisation.
We have called it an Oscillation, because rightly considered, it is by
no means only an outward move (though the preponderance has been in
that
direction) but a movement in and out and to and fro within town and
suburb.
It represents that margin for free and individual movement which must
always
exist in a human community, a margin either of vacant houses or sites.
Some people put the figure as a percentage of the total population -
e.g.,
between 5 and 10%; we have approached it from the opposite end by
finding
out what are the sites throughout the Region which can be used without
over-balancing existing suburban communities. For it must be obvious
from
the major premises upon which this Plan is based, that large scale
speculative
building with almost unlimited choice of site is no longer to continue.
There was round London, indeed in
full
swing, an orgy of house building based upon the anticipation that the
metropolis
would continue sucking in an altogether undue proportion of the
country’s
population growth. The measure of this ubiquitous supply can be taken
by
means of a survey of the unfinished schemes which the outbreak of war
suddenly
stopped. This has been done with great care in the three rings, the
Suburban,
the Green Belt and the Open, and the result shows the numbers of vacant
frontages which are ready for building with roads partly or wholly made
up, and services either laid on or readily obtained.
The total figure for all three
rings represents
accommodation available for 386,000 people: there are enough of all
types
of sites, at all normal densities, in all parts of Greater London for
all
the varied needs of this sporadic decentralisation or oscillation. The
figure, it will be noted, represents about 4% of the total population,
and allowing for a proportion of this unmethodical movement being
included
in the planned groups, should suffice for many years.
It will be seen that the figure of
386,000
does not represent an increase in London’s population, except for that
of natural fertility, which if national trends continue and are
representative
also of London, could be covered by it.
When it is stated that beyond the
filling
up of vacant frontages large scale speculative building on
speculatively
chosen sites must cease, this does not mean that there will not be a
demand
for houses for London, both for internal re-building and external
decentralisation.
There will be almost unlimited scope for every type of agency for house
building of the right type and on the right places, under the right
guidance.
It might be asked whether these
vacant
frontages on unfinished speculative housing sites restrict the freedom
of choice which people already exercise. The answer is threefold:
firstly,
they are the sites and surroundings (many of them very attractive) to
which
individual choice was limited in the past, and they are to be found in
every district in Greater London; secondly, it is an essential
recommendation
of our scheme that these slabs of housing should be welded into real
communities,
their ragged edges rounded off, social and shopping centres properly
planned,
and local green belts provided. Buildings often undistinguished and
degraded
in architectural appearance will indeed remain: but nature assists the
gardener and time will perhaps soften even their asperities; thirdly,
it
would be economically wasteful not to make use of these road works and
public services: it would be equally foolish to allow any further
development
of new sites until these frontages are substantially built up.
In addition to these housing
areas, many
attached to older communities, some having already swamped small
places,
and others standing in open country or ribboning along roads, there are
many old villages which have so far retained their integrity. To allow
additions to these as part of the programme of oscillation and freedom
of choice is dangerous, even though these additions would be on
frontages
within the village enceinte (and not external additions to it). It
would
be difficult to prohibit all building except for agricultural purposes:
at the same time there should be no free entry sites and every
permission
should be scrutinised most closely on architectural as well as social
grounds.
The old unspoilt villages and country towns are an asset of first
importance
to London.
METHODICAL
OR MASS DECENTRALISATION AND DISPERSAL
The disposition of the total
figure for
mass regrouping of the population of slightly over one million (see
sec.
18) has been allotted under five broad headings. The allotment has not
been made arbitrarily or theoretically (except for one item) but has
been
based upon the sums of individual and almost minute calculations,
finally
adjusted in order to keep certain broad principles in view.
As to the destination of this
mass-decentralised
population, it will be useful to state the figures in their simplest
form
before describing in greater detail how they are made up.
It will be seen that this
sub-division
and destination of decentralised population corresponds closely with
that
suggested in Chapter 2. of the County of London Plan. with the
exception
that in this regional study we are naturally not concerned with the
possible
completion of schemes within the County of London area. Also it must be
pointed out that the third type (in the County of London Plan), i.e..
“Satellites
located within the Metropolitan Traffic Area”, has been subdivided for
purposes of more detailed study into “Additions to Existing Towns”, and
“New Sites”, and refers to the Outer Country Ring of the Greater London
area. The two headings (a) and (b) above are now discussed in a little
more detail.
TABLE
(a) Decentralisation In and Near
the Region
(i) Addition to existing Towns
.261,000
persons
(ii) New Sites 383,250 persons
(iii) Quasi-Satellites ...125,000
persons
Total: 769,250 persons
(b) Dispersal Outside the Region
(iv) Additions to Towns within a
50-mile
radius ...163,750 persons
(v) Beyond the Metropolitan
influence
100,000
Total: 263,750 persons
Total number of regrouped
population 1,033,000
persons
(This may be compared with the
number
of 1,232,750 which would be the total figure for the regrouped
population
if the lower density of 100 persons per acre were adopted for the
central
area).
DECENTRALISATION
IN AND NEAR THE REGION: APPLICATION TO EXISTING COMMUNITIES: NEW SITES:
QUASI-SATELLITES
Perhaps more time and thought
has been
given to the effect upon and aptitude of existing towns for receiving
both
additional population and industry than to any other aspect of this
work.
Some of the factors concerned are given in sec. 110. With so many and
so
different places, it is impossible to summarise the various reasons for
these figures: the details will be found in Chapter 10. In some cases
it
is a “rounding off” of a community that appears all that is desirable:
in others a direct addition can be planned: some places are capable of
large expansion, others of a much smaller amount: in some, again, the
expansion
will not take place in, or be added to, the town itself, but will take
the form of a series of smaller satellites, like moons around a planet.
In every case the addition is large enough to allow of a community
group
based upon the standards which we have adopted. In this a sharp
distinction
is drawn between mass and sporadic movement; oscillation may continue
to
occur in the same place, filling up the single sites of vacant
frontages.
In many cases these additions may occur upon land already zoned for
houses
and industry; but in nearly every case some revision of the statutory
schemes
(in whatever stage they are) will be necessary, as in common with
planning
schemes throughout the country, far too much land was zoned for
building
development. It is better to zone fairly tightly and revise schemes if
unexpected growth can be justified, than to leave so large a margin
that
neither systematic location nor ultimate size can be even approximately
foreseen. Oscillation also provides a margin, so that there should be
no
danger of over-tightness.
The choosing of sites for new
communities
is always an exhilarating side of the planner’s work: it is impossible
to escape from the sequel that opportunity is to be offered for the
creation
of a town which will embody the latest ideas of civic design. The
London
Region is fortunate in possessing two such new communities, Letchworth
and Welwyn, both due to the genius of the late Ebenezer Howard. Recent
research tends towards a somewhat larger unit than Howard proposed: but
no increase in density. The population figure which we have adopted is
60,000 as a maximum: this would suggest seven New Towns as within the
London
Region, but as in the case of several sites, there are populations
already
on the ground (but not large enough to constitute an enlargement of an
existing place, as described in the preceding paragraph) there would be
eight of these new communities in the London Region. On the plans
accompanying
this Report ten possible sites are shown from which the eight proposed
could be selected. The others would allow a certain amount of latitude
in the ultimate selection of sites and would also be sufficient to meet
increased decentralisation from the central areas if the lower density
of 100 were adopted. In order to arrive at sites which can be
recommended
from the industrial development aspect and which do not unduly offend
against
agricultural requirements or invade rural amenities which are necessary
to London as a whole, we have examined sites in the Outer Country Ring.
It is perhaps needless to add that the sites which we have chosen are
capable
of economic layout and can be provided with the necessary public
services.
We have made a study for a New Town on one of these sites.
In all schemes for planning there
are
certain urgent decisions or works which have to be put in hand, perhaps
before the plan is completed, and at any rate before the comprehensive
carrying out of it can be begun. In spite of the decision made to push
all large scale new building beyond the Green Belt zone, there are
certain
towns situated within it which can make out a case for some continued
growth
for a limited period till their planned size is reached. Another
exception
is found in the necessity for overcrowded Inner London to start
decentralising
simultaneously with rebuilding immediately on the cessation of
hostilities.
For this first step sites must be found which satisfy two apparently
contradictory
requirements: they must be near enough to their former places of work
for
an easy journey, and they must have present or future possibilities of
work near by. Owing to the time-lag between human and industrial
movement
(described in sec. 56) this work should be already existing in, or
likely
to come into existence at an early date in a neighbouring town. On the
face of it these quasi-satellites offend against all notions of planned
decentralisation: they are, in the first instance, residential and they
are too close in. Nevertheless they are necessary features of the
short-term
policy of immediate post-war housing requirements; the maximum figure
of
125,000 has been allotted for the purpose.
Eventually, wherever possible,
these quasi-metropolitan
satellites, becoming socially and industrially integrated with the
older
communities near which they are situated, will fall into that system of
“moon satellites” already alluded to.
POPULATION
DISPERSED OUTSIDE THE REGION
It is not possible to prosecute
equally
detailed studies outside the Region, but there was unmistakable
evidence
that industrialists and workpeople are prepared, if they move at all,
to
go as far as 50 miles without wholly losing the benefits of the
metropolitan
connection: there may be certain business and transport advantages in
being
closer to other industrial centres, such as Birmingham. It will be seen
that we have allotted a smaller figure to those 50-mile radius towns
than
to the existing towns within the Region.
The population that may leave
London altogether
migrating for example to Yorkshire or South Wales is highly
problematic.
It is possible that in this case alone industry will prove more movable
than persons. On the other hand, some of those who have come into the
London
area since 1925 may be ready to return to their homes when employment
there
is available. The figure of 100,000 might be composed chiefly of
key-workers
and their families.
THE
DECENTRALISING BOROUGHS AND THE SUBURBAN RING
The same detailed study has
been made of
the County and Municipal Boroughs which require their densities reduced
and the communities in the suburban ring which (with the exception of
vacant
frontages) have no land which should be used for further building,
except
for reducing local overcrowding. The general characteristics of both
these
areas have been described (see secs. 26 and 27).
INDUSTRIAL
LOCATION COMPARED WITH HOUSING
Emphasis in the preceding
paragraphs may
appear to have been laid upon persons involved in various types of new
locations, both decentralised and dispersed. But of course these are
never
to be considered apart from occupation: our concern is primarily with
the
“distribution of the Industrial Population”, although the London Region
will never cease to be the home of the retired and the leisured (if
there
are any in the future). Occupation in the Region, too, is likely to be
not only industrial but clerical. A great deal of thought has been
given
to this, and much knowledge has been gained from the Barlow Report
(including
the Evidence), the work of the Nuffield Research and personal help from
the Board of Trade and their Regional Officers. The local factors of
location
are complicated: not only is it necessary to study the causes which
have
operated, almost unchecked, up to the present, from which it would seem
that Rivers, Roads and Railways have been the most cogent determinants:
thus some ideas can be gained of what appear to be the most suitable
sites
for each type of industry likely to be moved out. But it is also
desirable
to see that these sites are not unnecessarily far from the populations
to be removed. In planned decentralisation there will always be a
certain
time-lag between persons and factories - industry may voluntarily go
there
first, as at Slough - more often people are moved and gradually
factories
follow, as at Becontree. For the power of dealing with the location of
people has been in operation to some extent for a long time (under
municipal
enterprise): whereas we have still no effective control over the
location
of industry. On the other hand, the speculative builder, the largest
purveyor
of houses in the past, by having a free choice as to where he would
operate,
thereby also exercised control over where people lived. They had indeed
a choice of speculative sites-which was wide-but nevertheless imposed
upon
them, as was also the type and size of house. The speculative builder
was
himself frequently dependent upon transport, again acting in its own
interests.
Thus the rapidity or slowness of the growth of a place would be
determined
for private ends: the freedom of the developer was the measure of the
public’s
limitation of choice.
It is only when detailed study is
given
to the harmonising of human and industrial movement that the extreme
complexities
appear. It is no matter of a neat transference of a works and its
workers,
say from West Ham to a Country site in Essex. Many of the people in one
borough work in the factories situated in another: the occupations of
the
members of one family are frequently totally different. Nevertheless a
broad policy of the movement of people and work can and must be
pursued.
But it must be recognised that it will take a considerable time for the
final adjustments to be made. The sudden transference of a solid block
of workers from one place, into an old established town with set
traditions
and occupation, might at first upset its balance and create a sort of
alien
colony most harmful to the social , structure.
A scheme of decentralisation of
this magnitude
is a policy which must be pursued with persistence and vigour, but also
with discretion and sympathy for natural human feelings and weaknesses.
As part of the Regional
administrative
machinery not only will it be necessary to have an officer
administering
whatever powers of persuasions there may be for the location of
industry,
but an equally important social or population director who can keep the
human side uppermost and who can keep watch that the spirit of the
scheme
for regional grouping of the population is carried out.
DETAILED
STUDIES
We have made certain detailed
studies,
merely as examples of what is meant by local action in completing or
filling
in the details within our broad framework. These are intended to
illustrate
some of the typical problems of the Region.
Firstly, a design for a new town
on an
open site. It may be interesting to compare this with the existing and
successful “new” town of Welwyn Garden City.
Secondly, an attempt to pull
together
a scattered development of industry loosely related to the old town of
Hatfield. The de Havilland factory is on the Barnet By-Pass; another on
an island site at its intersection with the North Orbital; an isolated
factory appears in the fields beyond. Flats and slabs of housing spring
up wherever a site is obtainable; there is no proper connection with
the
old town, beyond which is one of the greatest houses and parks in the
country,
safeguarded for ever against development: a strange mixture of modem
disorder
and ancient order. To produce a unified community it has been necessary
to suggest a small amount of demolition and a certain amount of
additional
growth. Again, a comparison may be made with Welwyn Garden City which
grew
up simultaneously with new Hatfield.
Thirdly, the rebuilding proposals
at a
reduced density of two areas of one of the boroughs requiring
decentralisation,
which has also suffered large scale damage at enemy hands.
STANDARDS
In addition to detailed studies
of certain
places, there are necessary detailed standards for general application
throughout the Region. Much work has been recently done and much
remains
to be done in establishing some basis of calculation for the larger
components
of communities, for density of houses, area for open space, public
buildings,
etc. - the units into which they can be divided for various functions:
for social and civic centres, for schools of different grades, for
shopping
centres of varying types, for markets, for hospitals, etc. Perhaps the
most obviously important is the optimum size of a satellite community
of
a fully equipped type: its population and the acreage which it should
cover.
Ebenezer Howard, a pioneer in this as in every other walk of civic
advance,
proposed a population of 30,000: recent research based upon all known
factors
suggests something more like double this figure.
These standards ate put forward as
applicable
strictly to the London Regional Area; for although a junior school
might
well serve the same area in Gloucester, Manchester or London [the
one-hundred
thousand, million and ten million urban centres], the presence of the
Metropolis
inevitably affects such requirements as those for hospitals, shopping,
markets, theatres, art galleries, museums, etc.
The housing densities adopted are
based
upon the method of calculation given in the County of London Report.
There
is no greater net density than 100 persons per acre: the adoption of
this
and 75 in the Urban Ring and 50 in the Suburban produce the
decentralisation
figure to be added to that given by the County of London Plan. For new
sites an overall net density of 30 has been taken, combined with a
maximum
net density of 50 persons per acre.
PUBLIC
SERVICES
The very large shift of
population proposed
within the Region will have a marked effect upon the provision of
public
services. It has already been stated that in spite of a smaller and
less
dense population in the East End and on the Surrey side of London, the
modem types of building, which according to the proposals of the Plan
will
be universal in a comparatively short time, will consume more water
than
the more densely packed buildings in the past. The conservation of pure
water is vital: the policy of rushing it to the sea as something to be
got rid of, in order to secure better land drainage for agriculture,
should
be qualified by the need to secure adequate supplies for London.
There is already a great measure
of co-ordination
of services-water, electricity, gas, telephones, drainage and sewage
disposal;
but these services had in some cases been framed upon an expectation of
unlimited growth, or at any rate upon a different policy of population
grouping. They should, at the earliest moment possible, be re-examined.
It is hoped that very few schemes have been put ill hand which this
Plan
will render abortive; but it is clear that the settling of nearly half
a million people in new satellites will tax the resources and the
resourcefulness
of the purveyors of public services very considerably. At any rate, if
this or a modified plan is acted upon in place of no plan, they will
have
a programme of requirements arranged in periods, upon which to base
their
calculations.